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THE 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES 

OP 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS; 

WITH 

-  _  t 

ILLUSTRATIONS  CONCERNING  THE  NAVIGATOR, 

AND 

THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  NEW  WORLD. 


Agit  grates,  peregrinseque  oscula  terrae 
Figit,  et  ignotos  montes  agrosque  salutat. 

Ovid,  Met. 


BY  C.  EDWARDS  LEST 

AND 

ANDREW  FOSTER. 


NEW  HAVEN: 

PUBLISHED  BY  HORACE  MANSFIELD. 


1 >2)  hi 


t_  125 

.  v.  14. 

.  y  s 

*•  L65 


1852. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1851,  by 
HORACE  MANSFIELD. 

In  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


E.  O.  JENKINS,  PRINTER, 
144  NASSAU  STREET. 


7 


DEDICATION. 


TO  THE 

REV.  T.  WOODBRIDGE, 

OF  AUSTERLITZ,  N.  Y. 

My  Dear  Uncle, 

I  should  long  ago  have  inscribed  to  you  some  one  of  my  books, 
if  I  had  written  one  worthy  of  being  dedicated  to  my  earliest  and 
latest  Teacher,  and  my  truest  Friend.  Long  study  and  calm  reflec¬ 
tion.  have  made  you  familiar  with  almost  every  department  of  learn¬ 
ing  :  and  I  am  happy  in  the  thought  that,  while  you  read  this  vol¬ 
ume  as  a  scholar,  you  will  judge  it  as  a  friend. 

One  of  my  earliest  recollections  is  of  leading  you  through  the 
gardens,  and  maple  groves,  and  green  fields  of  the  home  of  my  child¬ 
hood  ;  when  I  looked  up  and  saw  serene  cheerfulness  always  beam¬ 
ing  from  your  face,  and  heard  you  talk  about  all  my  little  sports,  I 
could  not  then  solve  the  mystery  that  one  whose  eyes  the  holy  light 
of  heaven  never  visited,  could  sympathize  so  warmly  with  every¬ 
thing  around  him. 

Since  then  the  lights  and  shadows  of  more  than  twenty-five  years 
have  fallen  upon  our  path — nor  have  I  ever,  in  all  my  wanderings, 
found  a  fellow-man,  to  whom  you  could  not  say, 

“  I  see  a  hand  you  cannot  see ; 

I  hear  a  voice  you  cannot  hear.” 

If  I  have  accomplished  any  thing  in  life  worthy  of  your  approba¬ 
tion,  I  owe  it  chiefly  to  your  sage  counsels  and  generous  encourage- 


IV 


DEDICATION. 


ment.  I  have  never  fled  from  the  crowded  city  to  breathe  the  calm, 
pure  country  air  without  a  kind  greeting  to  your  hospitable  dwelling, 
and  I  never  left  it  without  your  benediction.  I  never  returned  from 
my  wanderings  in  other  lands  without  your  generous  welcome.  My 
children,  too,  who  now  lead  you  round  your  own  green  fields,  hear 
your  kind  voice,  and  kneel  before  your  household  altar  to  receive 
your  blessing. 

Around  that  altar  may  the  richest  blessings  of  Heaven  cluster,  for 
many  years. 

Now,  as  always,  your 

Affectionate  nephew, 

C.  EDWARDS  LESTER. 


New  York. 


I 


.-1  . 


« 

PREFACE. 


Residing  for  some  years  in  the  land  which  gave  birth  to  the  two 
great  men  who  have  divided  the  honour  of  discovering  America, 
my  attention  was  frequently  turned  to  the  subject  of  this  volume. 
Without  any  fixed  purpose  of  writing  about  Americus  or  his  times, 
I  devoted  the  leisure  I  had,  to  the  study  of  the  era  of  Discovery, 
and  collected  those  books,  charts,  and  MSS.,  which  throw  light 
over  the  subject. 

A  superficial  survey  of  my  materials  begat  a  feeling  of  surprise, 
that  no  English  or  American  historian  had  ever  been  attracted  to¬ 
wards  so  fine  a  theme,  while  a  more  diligent  investigation  at  last 
kindled  a  desire  to  possess  my  countrymen  generally  of  information 
which  could  not  be  found  in  the  literature  of  our  language. 

But  I  was  beset  with  uncommon  difficulties  in  the  very  begin¬ 
ning  of  my  labours.  Various  accounts  of  Americus  and  his  Voy¬ 
ages  had  appeared  in  Italian,  Spanish,  and  German  books,  but  no 
writer  of  research  or  celebrity  had  thrown  much  light  over  the 
Life  and  Voyages  of  the  Discoverer.  A  careful  review  of  Canovai, 
Bandini,  and  Bartolozzi,  who  are  almost  the  only  Italians  that 
have  written  much  about  Americus,  with  a  minute  examination 

f 


VI 


PREFACE. 


of  other  authors,  convinced  me  it  would  be  no  easy  task  to  recon¬ 
cile  their  conflicting  opinions,  and  separate  history  from  fiction. 
But  the  very  obstacles  I  found  in  my  way  only  served  to  show  the 
claims  of  the  subject  upon  the  historian.  I  wished  to  publish  the 
result  of  my  studies  before  my  return  to  Europe,  but  this  would 
have  been  impossible  without  essential  aid  from  some  one  familiar 
with  the  subject.  For  this  purpose,  I  applied  last  autumn  to  my 
friend,  Mr.  Andrew  Foster,  of  Boston,  whose  acquaintance  with  the 
languages  and  literature  of  Modern  Europe  rendered  his  assistance 
invaluable.  He  kindly  complied  with  my  request,  and  for  several 
months  has  devoted  himself  entirely  to  this  work.  It  was  but  an 
act  of  simple  justice  to  insist  that  his  name  should  appear  on  the 
title-page,  and  to  make  this  grateful  acknowledgment,  which  I 
do  with  unmixed  pleasure. 

It  has  been  remarked  of  Petrarch,  that  “  his  verses  and  his  let 
ters,  when  read  together,  furnished  a  sort  of  running  history  of  the 
man.”  Though  this  remark  cannot  be  applied  in  its  fullest  force 
to  Americus,  yet  it  may  be  said  to  be  partially  true  with  regard  to 
him.  His  letters  carry  us  through  the  scenes  which  he  visited 
during  the  most  interesting  part  of  his  life,  and  though  seldom 
alluding  to  himself  personally,  it  is  easy  to  place  him  in  the  im¬ 
agination  in  every  position  he  describes.  I  thought  it  advisa¬ 
ble  to  adopt  a  new  arrangement  of  these  documents,  or  rather  to 
follow  the  arrangement  partially  laid  out  by  Canovai,  and  to  divide 
the  letter  to  Soderini  into  four  parts,  placing  the  different  accounts 
of  each  voyage  together. 

In  preparing  the  translation  of  the  letters  many  different  editions 
in  Italian,  Latin,  and  Spanish,  have  been  consulted  and  compared. 
The  letter  to  Soderini  follows  principally  the  text  of  the  Grunigei 

t 


4 


PREFACE. 


9  6 

VU 

edition,  translated  into  Spanish  by  Navarrete,  with  some  altera- 
tions  and  corrections  of  manifest  errors.  The  letters  to  De  Medici 
were  taken  from  the  Italian  of  Bandini  and  Canovai,  with  the  ex¬ 
ception  of  the  second  letter,  giving  an  account  of  the  third  voyage, 
which  was  translated  from  the  work  of  Bartolozzi.  The  Latin 

copy  of  the  letter  contained  in  the  Novus  Orbis  of  Grinseus  was 

* 

compared  with  the  Italian. 

The  works  of  Mr.  Irving,  “  The  Life  of  Columbus  ”  and  “  The 
Companions  of  Columbus,”  have  been  carefully  consulted.  The 
Paris  edition  has  been  used,  and  is  the  one  referred  to.  It  is 
the  last  edition,  and  published  under  Mr.  Irving’s  own  eye,  and 
therefore  in  all  probability  the  most  correct.  The  Collection  of 
Senor  Navarrete  has  been  invaluable,  and  has  brought  to  light 
many  facts  of  which  all  previous  biographers  of  Americus  were 
ignorant. 

Before  concluding  these  prefatory  sentences,  I  wish  to  express 
my  warm  sense  of  obligation  to  Mr.  Moore,  the  Librarian  of  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  for  his  uniformly  courteous  treatment 
and  his  kind  aid  in  facilitating  the  researches  necessary  in  the  prep¬ 
aration  of  this  work.  The  Library  itself  is  a  fine  collection  of  val¬ 
uable  historical  works,  and  I  doubt  whether  any  one,  with  the  excep¬ 
tion  perhaps  of  the  Ehbeling  collection,  in  the  Harvard  University 
Library,  is  more  rich  in  matter  relating  to  the  early  history  of 
America.  Indeed,  there  are  some  rare  works  found  in  the  N.  Y, 
H.  S.  Library  which  are  not  readily  met  with  in  Europe. 

I  cannot  close  this  account  of  my  labours  without  petitioning  the 
reader  to  lay  aside  the  prejudice  so  common  in  this  country  against 
the  very  name  of  Americus.  The  learned  have  said  that  he 

usurped  the  name  of  the  continent,”  and  the  vu.gar  have  re- 


PREFACE. 


viii 

peatecl  it.  How  poorly  the  great  Navigator  has  merited  this  charge 
the  following  pages  will  show.  The  work  is  now  given  to  the 
Public,  with  the  hope  that  the  labours  of  the  authors  will  not  be 
m  vain. 

C.  EDWARDS  LESTER, 

New  York. 


CONTENTS. 

PART  I. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAG* 

Introductory  Remarks. — General  View  of  the  State  of  the  Commerce  of  the 
World  previous  to  the  Discovery  of  America. — Merchants  necessarily 
Travellers. — High  Rates  of  Interest  of  Money. — Evidence  of  approaching 
Change. — Italian  Manufactories. — State  of  Civilization,  1400. — Effects  of 
the  Conquest  of  the  Eastern  Empire. — Marco  Polo. — Mandeville. — Inven¬ 
tion  of  the  Compass  and  Astrolabe. — Prince  Henry  of  Portugal. — Rob¬ 
ertson’s  Character  of  him. — His  Zeal  for  the  Cause  of  Discovery. — Vas¬ 
co  De  Gama — Doubles  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  1497. — Progress  of  Dis¬ 
covery. — Portuguese  Expeditions  to  the  Coast  of  Africa. — Papal  Grants 
of  Dominion. — Death  of  Prince  Henry. — Discoveries  by  Columbus. — What 
moved  him  to  attempt  them. — Islands  of  St.  Brandan  and  of  the  Seven 
Cities. — Paolo  Toscanelli. — Discoveries  of  the  Scandinavians. — Italian 
Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian  Cabot. — Pre-eminence  of  particular 
Ideas  at  particular  Epochs. — Cotemporary  Authors. — Fernando  Columbus. 

— Bartolomeo  deltas  Casas. — Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo. — Andrez  Ber¬ 
nal. — Antonio  Herrera  de  Tordesillas. — Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara. — Pe¬ 
ter  Martyr. — Concluding  Remarks, . 21 


CHAPTER  II. 

Birth  of  Vespucius,  1451. — His  Parents. — Anastasio  Vespucci  and  Elizabetta 
Mini. — Origin  of  the  Vespucci  Family. — Peretola. — Extract  from  Ugolino 
Verini. — Estates  of  the  House. — Old  Family  Mansion. — Inscription  over 
its  Door. — Simone  Vespucci. — His  great  Wealth. — Offices  of  State  of  Flor¬ 
ence  held  by  the  Vespucci. — Guido  Antonio  di  Giovanni  Vespucci. — Im¬ 
mediate  Relatives  of  Americus. — Antiquity  of  Family. — Destiny  of  Amer- 
icus. — Commerce  and  Italian  Bankers,  .  .  ~ 

2 


54 


X 


CONTENTS. 


* 


* 

CHAPTER  III. 

FAS* 

The  Youth  of  Great  Men. — Lack  of  Detail  in  this  Respect. — Early  Educa¬ 
tion  .of  Amerieus. — -Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci.-— His  Uncle. — Brilliant  Ex¬ 
pectations  of  his  Family. — Studies  in  Astronomy  and  Cosmography. — 
Friendship  for  Piero  Soderini. — Tomaso  Soderini. — The  Plague  in  Flor¬ 
ence,  1478. — Dissolution  of  the  School  of  the  Friar  Vespucci. — Early  Let¬ 
ters  of  Amerieus. — Lorenzo  de  Medici  — His  Brilliant  Administration.— 
Paolo  Toscanelli,  th>3  Learned  Florentine  Physician. — Religious  Educa¬ 
tion  of  Amerieus. — Letter  of  Amerieus  to  his  F ather,  ,  ...  62 


CHAPTER  IT. 

Period  from  1480  to  1490. — Cosmography. — High  Value  of  Maps. — Gabriel 
de  Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes  of  the  Departure  of  Amerieus  from  Flor¬ 
ence. — Girolamo  Vespucci. — His  Loss  of  Property. — Piero  de’  Medici 
commissions  Amerieus. — Spain. — Wars  against  the  Moors. — Giovanni 
Vespucci,  the  Nephew  of  Amerieus. — Account  given  of  him  by  Peter  Mar¬ 
tyr.— -Letter  of  Amerieus  and  Donato  Nicollini. — Juan  Berardi,  1492. — 

The  necessary  Reflections  of  Amerieus. — An  Epoch  of  Enterprise  and  Im¬ 
provement,  . .  .  70 


CHAPTER  Y. 

Meeting  of  Amerieus  with  Columbus,  1 492,  ’93. — Description  of  the  Per¬ 
sonal  Appearance  of  Columbus. — Personal  Appearance  of  Amerieus. — - 
Sketch  of  their  different  Views. — The  Problem  of  Longitude. — Discussion 
at  Salamanca. — Conversation  between  Columbus  and  Amerieus. — Singu¬ 
lar  Vow  of  the  Former. — He  repels  the  Imputation  of  Mercenary  Motives. 

- — Doubts  of  Amerieus  as  to  the  Territories  of  the  Khan,  drawn  from  the 
Appearance  of  the  Natives,  &cc. — His  Ideas  of  a  large  Island  between  Eu¬ 
rope  and  Asia. — Confidence  of  Columbus. — Considers  himself  Divinely 
Commissioned. — His  Plan  of  Attack  upon  the  Infidels. — Cites  Paolo  Tos¬ 
canelli. — Vespucius  States  his  View  of  the  Question  of  Longitude. — Ter¬ 
restrial  Paradise. — Enthusiasm  of  Columbus  on  this  Subject. — Exaggera¬ 
tion  of  Marco  Polo. — Criticism  of  Amerieus,  .  ,  ,  7@ 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


CHAPTER  VI. 

5*0* 

Death  of  Berardi. — Payments  to  Americus. — Wreck  of  Fleet  fitted  out  by 
him. — His  Letter  to  Soderini. — Modesty  displayed  by  him. — Position  held 
by  Americus  in  his  First  Voyage. — Cosmography  of  Ilacomilo. — Biblio¬ 
theca  Riccardiana. — Rene,  Titular  King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem. — Date 
of  the  Voyage. — Herrera’s  Statements. — The  Name  of  America. — Span¬ 
ish  Archives. — Voyages  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda. — His  Evidence  in  the  Law¬ 
suit  of  Don  Diego  Columbus. — Silence  of  the  Cotemporary  Historians. — 
Negative  Evidence. — Extract  from  Gomara  on  the  Subject. — No  Dispar¬ 
agement  of  Columbus. — Authenticity  of  the  Letters. — Feelings  of  Colrpn- 
bus. — Elis  Letter  respecting  Americus  to  his  Son. — General  Licenses  of 
the  Crown  for  other  Voyages,  .  .  .  .  93 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Piero  Soderini. — His  Character.-— Elected  Gonfalo- 
niere  of  Florence. — His  Fall  and  Banishment. — His  Death  at  Rome. — 
Letter  of  Americus  to  him,  describing  his  First  Voyage. — His  Reasons 
for  Writing. — Sails  from  Cadiz,  May  10th,  1497. — Arrives  at  the  Grand 
Canaries. — Arrives  at  the  New  World. — Appearance  of  the  Inhabitants. 

— Sails  along  the  Coast. — Their  Weapons  and  their  Wars. — Mode  of 
Life. —  Religion  and  Laws. — Their  Riches. — Their  System  of  Physic. — 
Burial  Rites. — Their  Food.  — Ignami. — Finds  trifling  Indications  of  Gold. 

— Venezuela. — Treachery  of  the  Inhabitants. — Fight  with  them. — Five 
Prisoners. — Their  Artful  Escape. — Singular  Animals. — Fish  made  into 
Flour. — Americus  received  by  another  Tribe  with  great  Honour, — Laugh¬ 
able  Occurrence. — Establishes  Baptismal  Fonts. — Lariab. — Cannibalism. 

— Repairing  the  Ships. — Sail  for  the  Islands. — Battle  with  . the  Natives. 

— Slave  Prisoners. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Cadiz,  15th  of  Octo¬ 
ber,  1498, .  109 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Arrival  of  Columbus  on  the  Coast  of  Paria,  and  at  Hispaniola,  August 
30th,  1498. — Distracted  Stjfte  of  the  Colony  he  had  left. — Despatches 
News  of  his  Discovery  of  the  Continent  on  18th  of  October,  1498,  from 
Isabella. — Americus  arrives  at  Cadiz,  loth  of  October,  1498. — News 


CONTENTS. 


•  • 

XII 

made  Public. — Consequent  Excitement. — Alonzo  de  Ojeda. — His  Plan  of 
an  Expedition.— Bishop  Fonseca.— His  Hatred  of  Columbus.— Commis¬ 
sion  of  Ojeda. — His  Companionship  with  Americus. — Interval  between 
First  and  Second  Voyage. — Marriage  of  Americus  with  Maria  Cerozo. — 
He  goes  to  Court. — Is  Importuned  by  Ojeda. — Consents  to  go  with  him. 
— Juan  de  la  Cosa. — Preparations  for  sailing  at  Seville. — Lorenzo  di  Pier- 
Francesco  de’  Medici. — Sketch  of  his  Life, . 


CHAPTER  IX. 

FIRST  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRANCESCO  DE’  MED¬ 
ICI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May  18th,  1499.— Makes  the  Canary  Islands.— Ar¬ 
rives  at  the  New  World  in  twenty-four  Days— Difficulty  of  Disembarca- 
tion.— Freshness  of  the  Water  at  Sea.— Two  large  Rivers  Discovered.— 
Ascent  of  one  ol  them.  Description  of  the  Scenery. — Remarkable  Cur¬ 
rent.— Shadows  of  the  Sun.— The  Stars  of  the  South  Pole.— Remarka¬ 
ble  Passage  in  Dante. — Calculation  of  Distance  from  Cadiz. — Calculation 
of  Longitude,  Aug.  23,  1499.— Occultation  of  Mars.— Sails  Northwardly. 
—Discovers  an  Island.— Description  of  the  Natives.— Their  Hospitality. 

Present  of  Pearls. — Voyage  continued. — Meets  with  Unfriendly  Na¬ 
tives. — Cannibalism. — Battle  with  them. — Valour  of  a  Portuguese  Sail¬ 
or.— A  very  large  Race  of  Natives.— Venezuela.— Proceeds  to  Hispaniola. 
— Refitting  the  Fleet. — Continue  Homeward  Voyage. — Take  a  Cargo  of 
Slave-prisoners.— Arrive  at  the  Azores  and  Cadiz.— Conclusion  of  the 

v°yage> . . 


CHAPTER  X. 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  PIERO  SODERINI,  GIVING 

AN  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May,  1499.— Arrival  in  the  New  World.— Signs  of 
Inhabitants.— Coasting  the  Shores.— San  Luis  de  Maranham. — Chase  and 
Capture  a  Canoe.  Cannibalism. — Pearls  and  Gold. — Inimical  Natives. — 
Chewing  the  Cud. — Want  of  Water. — Immense  Leaves. — Island  of  Cura- 
coa.  Large  Islanders. — Visit  to  their  Village.*'- — Returning  to  Castile. — 
Trade  with  the  Indians.— Large  Quantity  of  Pearls.— Visit  Antilla.— 
Take  in  Provisions. — Sail  for  Spain. — Arrival  at  Cadiz,  June  8th,  1500,  175 


CONTENTS. 


Xlll 


CHAPTER  XI. 

PA.0B 

Unjustifiable  Perversion  of  the  Words  of  Americus. — Attack  of  Sickness. — 
New  Spanish  Fleet  for  him. — His  Position  in  Spain. — Motives  of  the 
King  of  Portugal  in  attempting  to  gain  the  Services  of  Americus. — First 
Attempt  by  Letter. — Second  Attempt  by  a  Messenger. — Juliano  Giocondo. 

— He  leaves  Spain  secretly. — Goes  to  Lisbon. — Reception  at  the  Court  of 
Emmanuel. — Importance  of  his  Voyage  to  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal.— Ex¬ 
tract  from  Thomson’s  Seasons. — A  Word  respecting  the  Date  of  the  Voy¬ 
age. — Inaccuracy  of  Herrera, . 186 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SECOND  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRANCESCO  DE  MED¬ 
ICI,  GIVING  A  BRIEF  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  THIRD  VOYAGE,  MADE 
FOR  THE  KING  OF  PORTUGAL. 

Departure  from  Cape  Verd. — Arrival  at  the  Continent. — Heavenly  Bodies. 

_ Beauty  of  the  Country. — Numerous  Animals. — The  Natives  destitute  of 

Laws  and  Religion. — Their  Food  and  Ornaments. — Longevity. — Mode  of 
Reckoning  Time. — Their  Wars  and  Cannibalism. — Climate. — Products 
of  the  Country, . . 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

SECOND  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRANCESCO  DE’  MED¬ 
ICI,  GIVING  A  FULLER  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  THIRD  VOYAGE, 

MADE  FOR  THE  KING  OF  PORTUGAL. 

Preamble  respecting  the  First  Letter  of  Americus  to  De  Medici. — Sails  from 
Lisbon  May  13th,  1501. — Arrives  at  the  Canaries. — Coasts  the  Shores  of 
Africa. — Experiences  violent  Gales. — Provisions  fall  short. — Long  Passage. 
—Despair  at  their  Situation. — Arrive  at  last  at  the  Continent. — Ignorance 
of  the  Pilots. — Astronomical  Observations  of  Americus. — Coast  along  the 
Shores  of  South  America.— Intercourse  with  the  Natives— Thickly-inhab¬ 
ited  Country. — Singular  Customs  of  the  Natives. — Their  Mode  of  Life. — 
Cannibalism  again.— Climate  and  Fruits.— Stars  of  the  Antarctic  Pole.— 
Beautiful  Iris  or  Rainbow. — Geometrical  Calculations  of  Americus. — Grati¬ 
tude  to  the  Supreme  Being.— Arrival  at  Lisbon.— Another  Voyage  in  Con¬ 
templation,  . 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


/ 

CHAPTER  XI Y. 

TAGS 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  LETTER  TO  PIERO  SODERINI,  GIVING  A  DESCRIP¬ 
TION  OF  THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  OF  AMERICUS. 


Stay  at  Lisbon  after  Second  Voyage. — Letters  from  the  King  of  Portugal* 

— Juliano  Bartolomeo  del  Giocondo  sent  from  Lisbon  to  urg§  Americus  to 
sail  in  the  Portuguese  Service. — His  Consent  and  Departure  for  Lisbon* 

— Sails  from  Lisbon,  13th  of  May,  1501. — Encounters  severe  Storms. — 
Arrives  at  the  Continent. — Sails  along  the  Shores. — Attempts  to  treat 
with  the  Natives. — Two  of  the  Crew  proceed  Inland. — Treachery  of  the 
Natives. — One  of  the  Crew  killed  and  eaten. — Learn  the  Death  of  the 
other  Two. — At  length  meet  with  Friendly  Natives, — Continue  the  Voy¬ 
age  to  the  North. — April  7th,  discover  New  Land. — More  severe  Storms. 

— Return  to  Lisbon. — Arrive  on  the  Seventh  of  September,  1502,  .  223 


CHAPTER  XY. 

Reception  at  Lisbon. — Honours  in  that  City  and  Florence. — High  Reputa¬ 
tion  of  Americus. — His  Astronomical  Discoveries. — His  Method  of  deter¬ 
mining  Longitude. — The  Southern  Cross. — A  New  Expedition  prepared. 
— Gonzalo  Coelho. — Sails  from  Lisbon  with  six  Ships  on  the  10th  of 
May,  1503. — Foolish  Vanity  and  Obstinacy  of  the  Commander  Coelho. — 
Loss  of  Part  of  the  Fleet. — Great  Inconvenience  occasioned  thereby. — 
Americus  pursues  his  Voyage. — Discovers  an  Island.— Very  tame  Birds 
thereon. — Arrives  at  the  Continent. — Bay  of  All  Saints. — Builds  a  Fort 
there, — Leaves  a  Garrison. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Lisbon,  June 
18th,  1504.— Commends  his  Family  to  the  Notice  of  Soderini. — Conclu¬ 
ding  Remarks, . 


CHAPTER  XYI. 

Return  of  Americus  to  Spain,  1504.— At  Court,  February,  1505.— Colum- 
bus.  Ill  Treatment  of  him. — Death  of  Queen  Isabella. — Effect  on  the 
Fortunes  of  Americus.— Royal  Grants  to  him.— New  Expedition.— Vi¬ 
cente  A  anes  Pinzon. — The  Name  of  America. — False  Assertion  and  De¬ 
duction.  Reasons  why  the  Name  was  first  given. — Ilacomilo’s  Cosmog¬ 
raphy. — First  Use  of  the  Name. — Extracts  from  an  able  Article  in  the 
N.  A.  Review. — Canovai’s  Opinion, . .  245 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


CHAPTER  XYII. 

Difficulties  of  the  New  Expedition. — Perplexity  of  the  Officials  of  the 
Board  of  Trade. — Accession  of  Philip  and  Joanna. — Disagreements  be¬ 
tween  Philip  and  Ferdinand. — The  Board  of  Trade  send  Americus  to 
Court. — Their  Instructions  to  him. — Death  of  King  Philip. — Complaints 
of  the  Portuguese  Court. — The  Voyage  given  up. — Ultimate  Fate  of  the 
Vessels  composing  this  Fleet. — Great  Expense  occasioned  by  it. — Absence 
of  King  Ferdinand,  and  his  Return. — Americus  ordered  to  Court. — His 
Occupation  there,— Appointed  Chief  Pilot.— His  Death,  February  22nd, 
1512  ...  . 


PA«K 


256 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


Character  and  Writings  of  Americus, 


•  • 


265 


PART  II. 


EULOGIUM  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS,  WHICH  OBTAINED  THE  PREMIUM  FROM 
THE  NOBLE  ETRUSCAN  ACADEMY  OF  CORTONA,  ON  THE  15TH 
OF  OCTOBER,  IN  THE  YEAR  1788. 

Letter  of  the  Etruscan  Academy  of  Cortona,  to  Count  John  Louis  of  Durfort, 
then  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  France  to  the  Royal  Court  of  Tuscany, 
accompanying  the  Premium  Eulogy.— Praise,  the  Aliment  of  Genius.— 
The  Youth  of  Americus.— The  Position  of  Americus.— The  Spirit  of  Emu¬ 
lation  and  its  Effects.— The  Eulogist  imagines  an  Address  to  Americus.— 
The  Doubts  and  Decision  of  Americus. — The  Advantages  and  Disadvanta¬ 
ges  of  the  Discovery  of  Americus. — Comparison  of  the  Tracks  of  Columbus 
and  Americus. — Cosmographical  Calculations  of  Americus.  Rejoicings  at 
Florence  in  consequence  of  the  Discoveries  of  Americus.— The  Voyages  of 
Americus  in  the  Service  of  Portugal.— Importance  of  the  Discovery  of 

Brazil. _ Thoughts  respecting  the  Civilization  of  American  Aborigines. 

The  Name  of  America,  his  Reward.— Death  and  Memory  of  Americus. 


ri  CONTENTS. 

PA.QB 

— Motives  of  Canovai  in  writing  the  Eulogium. — The  History  of  Tira- 
boschi, . 273 


n. 

A  NARRATIVE  ADDRESSED  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER -FRANCESCO  DE’  MEDICI; 

Giving  an  Account  of  the  Voyage  and  Discoveries  of  Vasco  de  Gama  beyond 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  the  Authorship  of  which,  has  been  attributed  to 
Americus  Vespucius. — Reasons  of  Canovai  for  discrediting  the  Narrative. — 

The  Arguments  of  Canovai  considered. — The  Relation  of  the  Voyage  of 
Gama. — Discovery  of  Lands  beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. — Departure 
from  Melinda. — Description  of  the  City  of  Calicut. — The  Moorish  Mer¬ 
chants  of  Calicut. — The  Currency  of  the  Country. — Prices  of  the  different 
Articles  of  Produce. — Precious  Stones. — Arrival  of  Strangers  at  Calicut. — 

The  Monarch’s  Mode  of  Life. — Calculation  of  Distance  from  Lisbon. — 
Productions  of  the  Country,  .  . . 312 


III. 

LETTERS  OF  PAOLO  TOSCANELLI  TO  COLUMBUS. 

Letters  of  Paolo  Toscanelli  to  Columbus. — Letter  of  Toscanelli  to  Marti¬ 
nez. — Distance  from  Lisbon, . 330 


IV. 


MARCO  POLO  AND  HIS  TRAVELS. 

Election  of  Visconti  to  the  Papal  Chair. — Friars  sent  by  the  Pope  to  accom¬ 
pany  the  Polos. — The  Polos  pursue  their  Journey. — Marco  Polo  sent  on 
Embassies  by  the  Khan. — Their  Scheme  to  return  to  Venice, — Depart¬ 
ure  from  Cathay. — Magnificent  Letters  Patent. — Arrival  at  Venice. — 
Marco  taken  Prisoner  by  the  Genoese. — Marriages  of  the  Polo  Family. — 
Effects  of  the  Travels  of  the  Polos. — Great  Extent  and  Public  Buildings 
of  the  City. — Judicial  Officers. — Private  Residences  and  Domestic  Hab- 


CONTENTS.  xvi! 

PA.  OK 

its. — Lake  in  the  Neighbourhood  of  the  City. — Palace  of  the  King,  and 
his  great  Luxury. — Revenue  of  the  Khan. — The  Island  of  Cipango. — 
Paper  Money. — Immense  Wealth  of  the  Great  Khan. — The  Care  and 
Bounty  of  the  Monarch  towards  his  Subjects, . 337 


Y. 


FELLOW-VOYAGERS  OF  AMERICUS, 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda  and  Juan  de  la  Cosa. — Juan  de  Vergara  and  Garcia  de 
Campos. — Settlement  at  Bahia  Honda. — Quarrels  of  Ojeda  and  his  Part¬ 
ners. — Legal.  Process  against  Ojeda. — The  Gold  Mines  of  Veragua. — 

Juan  de  la  Cosa. — Voyage  of  Bastides. — Connection  of  De  la  Cosa  with 
Ojeda. — Bitter  Feud  between  Ojeda  and  Nicuessa. — Departure  from  San 
Domingo,  15tli  Nov.,  1509. — Proclamation  of  Ojeda  to  the  Indians. — De 
la  Cosa  tries  to  dissuade  Ojeda  from  settling  in  this  Part  of  the  Coun 
try. — Death  of  Juan  de  la  Cosa. — Character  of  De  la  Cosa. — Great  Anxiety 
on  Board  the  Ships,  and  Escape  of  Ojeda. — Ojeda,  with  the  Aid  of  Nicu¬ 
essa,  prepares  for  another  Attack. — Settlement  in  the  Gull  ot  Uraba. — 
Ojeda  Wounded. — Arrival  of  Talavera  with  scanty  Supplies. — Departure 
of  Ojeda,  and  his  Shipwreck. — Sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  in  Cuba. — Ojeda 
builds  a  Chapel  in  fulfilment  of  his  Vow. — Sends  a  Message  to  Esquibel, 
in  Jamaica. — News  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso. — Last  Days  of  Ojeda,  .  .  366 


YI. 

DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS  :  PRESENTED  IN  THE 

COLLECTION  OF  NAVARRETE. 

Documents  of  Navarrete. — M.  de  Humboldt’s  Remarks  on  the  Letter  of 
Santaren,  . .  • 


VII. 


LEFTER  OF  M.  RANKE  TO  M.  DE  HUMBOLDT,  RESPECTING  THE  CORRESPOND¬ 
ENCE  OF  AMERICUS  WITH  SODERINI  AND  DE*  MEDICI. 

Letter  of  M.  Ranke.— The  Soderini  Family.— Political  Connections  of  the 
V espucci  F amily, . 


CONTENTS. 


xviii 


VIII. 

THE  VESPUCCI  FAMILY. 


PASS 


The  Vespucci  Family. — Memorial  to  the  generous  American  Congress. — 

Letter  to  C.  Edwards  Lester,  from  Amerigo  Vespucci,  .  .  .  405 


PART  I. 


BIOGRAPHY. 


■ 


■ 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CONTINENT  BY  AMERICUS. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES 


OF 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introductory  Remarks. — General  View  of  the  State  of  the  Commerce 
of  the  World  previous  to  the  Discovery  of  America. — Merchants  ne¬ 
cessarily  Travellers. — High  Rates  of  Interest  of  Money. — Evidence 
of  approaching  Change. — Italian  Manufactories. — State  of  Civiliza¬ 
tion,  14(H). — Effects  of  the  Conquest  of  the  Eastern  Empire.  —Mar¬ 
co  Polo. — Mandeville. — Invention  of  the  Compass  and  Astrolabe. — 
Prince  Henry  of  Portugal. — Robertson’s  Character  of  him. — His 
Zeal  for  the  Cause  of  Discovery. — Vasco  De  Gama — Doubles  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  1497. — Progress  of  Discovery. — Portuguese 
expeditions  to  the  Coast  of  Africa. — Papal  Grants  of  Dominion. — 
Death  of  Prince  Henry. — Discoveries  by  Columbus. — What  moved 
him  to  attempt  them. — Islands  of  St.  Brandan  qnd  of  the  Seven 
Cities. — Paolo  Toscanelli. — Discoveries  of  the  Scandinavians. — 
Italian  Navigators. — Verazzani. — Sebastian  Cabot. — Pre-eminence 
of  particular  ideas  at  particular  Epochs. — Cotemporary  Authors. — 
Fernando  Columbus. — Bartolomeo  de  las  Casas. — Gonzalo  Fernan¬ 
dez  de  Oviedo.— Andrez  Bernal. — Antonio  Herrera  de  Tordesillas. 
— Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara. — Peter  Martyr. — Concluding  Re¬ 
marks. 

The  commerce  of  the  world  until  nearly  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century  was  carried  on  chiefly 
by  means  of  land  transportation.  Voyages  of  much 
extent  were  almost  unknown,  and  the  mariner  con¬ 
fined  himself  to  inland  waters,  or  hovered  along  the 
shores  of  the  great  Western  Ocean,  without  venturing 
out  of  sight  of  land.  The  principal  marts  of  Europe 
were  the  Hanseatic  cities — a  league  of  mercantile 


CHAPTER 

1. 


Commerce 
of  the  fif¬ 
teenth  cen¬ 
tury. 


22 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Olden  cities 
of  the  East. 


towns,  winch  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  security 
and  mutual  protection. 

The  thriving  Republics  of  Italy  were  the  carriers 
of  the  world.  For  many  centuries  their  citizens 
were  almost  the  only  agents  for  commercial  com¬ 
munication  with  the  countries  of  the  East.  Venice 
and  Genoa  maintained  establishments  on  the  far¬ 
thest  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  and  Black  Seas. 
Immense  caravans  crossed  the  deserts  of  Arabia 
and  Egypt,  their  camels  laden  with  the  costly  fab¬ 
rics  of  the  Indies,  which  were  received  by  the 
Italian  traders  from  the  hands  of  the  Mahometans, 
and  distributed  over  Europe.  Here  and  there  upon 
the  deserts,  a  green  oasis  with  its  bubbling  spring 
or  fresh  rivulet,  served  these  mighty  trains  for  a 
resting-place,  where  man  and  beast  halted  to  re¬ 
cover  from  the  fatigues  of  their  weary  journeys. 

Occasionally,  on  these  spots,  where  the  soil  was 
of  sufficient  fertility  to  sustain  a  population,  villages 
grew  up.  In  rarer  instances  and  in  earlier  ages, 
large  cities  had  been  built  upon  these  stopping- 
places,  and  were  for  the  time  the  centres  of  traffic. 
Their  warehouses,  cumbered  with  the  fruits,  the 
treasures,  and  the  fabrics  of  India,  tempted  the  tra¬ 
ders  of  all  nations  to  their  gates,  and  their  market¬ 
places  resounded  with  the  busy  hum  of  a  crowded 
population.  While  the  current  of  business  flowed 
in  that  direction,  all  within  their  walls  evinced 
life  and  activity,  but  as  soon  as  a  new  channel  was 
adopted  by  merchants,  they  fell  into  insignificance, 
and  were  once  more  abandoned  to  the  solitude  of 


I 


•  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

* 

the  desert.  Travellers  of  the  present  day  occasion¬ 
ally  visit  their  sites,  and  tell  tales  of  wonder  of  the 
gigantic  ruins  of  some  Balbec  or  Palmyra  of  the 
wilderness. 

In  the  fifteenth  century  merchants  were,  of  ne¬ 
cessity,  travellers.  They  could  not,  as  in  the  present 
day,  sit  quietly  in  their  counting-rooms,  and  transact 
business  with  all  parts  of  the  known  world,  re¬ 
ceiving  by  each  day’s  post  communications  from 
distant  agents,  and  issuing  orders  for  future  opera¬ 
tions,  with  the  certainty  of  their  receipt  and  prompt 
execution.  The  stranger  was  regarded  as  an  ene¬ 
my  by  the  laws  of  most  countries,  and  the  foreign 
merchant  was  looked  upon  with  distrust  and  appre¬ 
hension.  There  existed  little  confidence  in  mer¬ 
cantile  honor,  and  bills  of  exchange  were  rarely 
resorted  to,  except  in  cases  of  emergency  and  dan¬ 
ger.  The  exorbitant  rates  of  interest  which  were 
in  all  cases  demanded  for  the  use  of  money,  mate¬ 
rially  checked  active  commercial  operations. 

Absurd  as  it  seems  in  the  present  day,  an  idea 
generally  prevailed,  that  the  receipt  of  interest  for 
loans  came  within  the  scriptural  denunciation  of 
usury,  and,  notwithstanding  the  enlightened  views 
which  were  beginning  to  gain  ground,  there  were  not 
wanting  learned  doctors  of  the  church  who  main- 
tained  the  guilt  of  those  who  received  pay  for  the 
risk  they  took  in  loaning  their  capital.  The  mer¬ 
chants  of  Italy,  or,  as  they  were  called  in  the  North 
of  Europe,  the  Lombards,  were  the  bankers  as  well 
as  the  carriers  of  the  age,  and  finding  themselves 


23 

CHAPTER 

I. 


System  of 
business  in 
the  Middle 
Ages. 


False  ideas 
of  Usury. 


24 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  engaged  in  a  business  which  was  considered  dis- 

- graceful  and  irreligious  by  the  mass  of  the  people, 

naturally  became  extravagant  in  their  demands  in 
the  ratio  of  the  infamy  of  their  transactions.  The 
consequence  was,  that  extravagant  profits  were 
required  to  remunerate  traders,  and  traffic  was  con¬ 
fined  almost  exclusively  to  barter  and  exchange. 
The  merchant  accompanied  his  goods  to  their  des¬ 
tination,  sold  them  himself,  and  purchased  a  new’ 
stock,  which  was  saleable  in  his  own  country  ;  and 
in  most  cases  this  transaction  was  effected  without 
the  medium  of  gold  or  silver. 

Evidence  of  But  evidence  of  an  approaching  change  was  not 
mercantile  wanting.  The  demands  of  advancing  civilization 

affairs. 

had  begun  to  develop  a  vast  alteration  in  the  face 
of  Europe.  The  increasing  demand  for  the  fabrics 
of  the  East  stimulated  the  enterprise  of  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  South  of  Europe,  and  efforts  were  made 
to  cultivate  the  plants  of  India,  while  manufactories, 
already  established  in  Italy,  gave  fair  promise  of 
success  and  profit.  The  looms  of  her  silk- weavers 
had  already  begun  to  clothe  her  citizens  in  gar¬ 
ments  which  heretofore,  from  their  costliness,  could 
only  be  obtained  by  princes  and  nobles. 

Compara-  It  is  curious  to  contemplate  the  vast  difference  in 

tive  luxury  4  1 

of  nations,  luxury  and  comfort  which  existed  between  those 
countries  which,  from  their  natural  geographical 
position,  were  placed  in  the  course  of  trade,  and 
those  more  secluded  or  out  of  the  way  of  travellers. 
In  England,  for  instance,  an  isolated  country,  many 
of  the  inhabitants  of  her  largest  towns  lived  in  huts, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


25 


without  window  or  chimney.  The  fire  was  built  chapter 

on  the  ground,  in  the  centre  of  the  house,  and  its - - - 

smoke  was  left  to  find  its  way  out  by  the  door,  or 
escaped  by  a  hole  in  the  roof.  Chairs  and  tables, 
the  commonest  articles  of  domestic  utility,  were  al¬ 
most  unknown  to  the  largest  part  of  the  population. 

How  different  the  scene  in  Ghent,  or  Bruges,  or 
Venice,  or  Genoa  !  There,  costly  palaces  for^the 
wealthy,  furnished  with  most  of  the  luxuries  of  later 
times,  and  comfortable  habitations  for  the  poorer 
classes,  every  where  abounded.  Art  and  literature 
flourished  by  the  side  of  commerce,  and  universities 
and  schools  were  established,  which  disseminated 
knowledge  far  and  wide  among  mankind. 

The  manufacturing  spirit  of  Southern  Europe  conquest  oi 

01  1  the  Eastern. 

was  brought  to  life  mainly  by  the  fact  that  the  old-  Empire, 
established  ways  of  transporting  goods  from  India, 
which  had  gradually  been  growing  more  and  more 
precarious,  were  then  almost  entirely  abandoned, 
on  account  of  their  danger.  The  Turks,  a  nation 
of  ferocious  religious  warriors,  had  overrun  the 
Greek  provinces  of  Asia  bordering  upon  the  Medi¬ 
terranean,  and  annihilated  the  Christian  power  in 
the  East  by  the  conquest  of  Constantinople.  They 
were  as  a  people  little  adapted  to  commercial  pur¬ 
suits,  even  had  they  possessed  the  willingness  to 
engage  in  them  which  characterized  their  prede¬ 
cessors,  and  their  lawless  character  and  marauding 
habits  rendered  the  passage  of  the  deserts,  even 
by  their  own  countrymen,  a  task  of  great  uncer¬ 
tainty  and  danger. 


26 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  It  was  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  shrewd  spirit  of 

- : - mercantile  enterprise  and  speculation  would  remain 

Efforts  to  .  ,  .  .  . 

find  a  new  dormant  m  this  state  of  anairs.  Traders  m  every 

route  to  In-  J 

dia.  part  of  Europe  were  alive  to  the  advantages  to  be 
derived  from  the  discovery  of  a  new  route  of  trans¬ 
portation.  Several  efforts  were  made,  and  in  some 
few  cases  attended  with  immense  profit  and  suc¬ 
cess,  to  communicate  with  India  by  the  long  and 
arduous  journey  round  the  Black  Sea,  and  through 
the  almost  unexplored  regions  of  Circassia  and 
Georgia.  The  far-off  shores  of  the  Caspian  were 
reached  by  some  travelling  traders,  and  the  geo¬ 
graphical  knowledge  they  circulated  on  their  re¬ 
turn  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  growing  spirit  of 
adventure.  Apocryphal  as  the  narratives  of  Mar¬ 
co  Polo  and  Mandeville  appeared,  there  was  a  suf¬ 
ficient  mixture  of  truth  with  exaggeration  to  stimu¬ 
late  the  minds  of  men,  ever  greedy  of  gain,  and  the 
endless  wealth  of  the  Grand  Khan  and  his  people 
were  the  subjects  of  many  eager  and  longing  antici¬ 
pations. 

invention  of  The  inventions  of  the  Compass  and  the  Astrolabe, 

the  compass  #  1 

*n?  J!tro'  while  they  increased  the  facilities  of  navigators  most 
opportunely,  added  greatly  to  the  confidence  of 
merchants.  They  began  to  perceive  that  they  must, 
m  future,  rely  mainly  upon  water  carriage  in  trans¬ 
porting  their  goods,  and  ships  and  seamen  multipli¬ 
ed  rapidly  in  consequence.  Ability  to  define  their 
position  with  accuracy  led  mariners  to  undertake 
longer  voyages,  and  at  length  nautical  enterprise 
was  powerfully  roused  by  the  influence  of  a  saga- 


AMERICAS  VESPUCIUS. 


27 


cious  mind,  whose  energies  for  many  years  had  chapter 

I  • 

been  devoted  to  the  elucidation  of  a  grand  problem. 

This  was  no  less  than  the  possibility  of  reaching 
the  Indies  by  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa. 

Prince  Henry  of  Portugal  is  justly  entitled  to  the  Prince Hen- 

J  °  J  ry  of  Portu- 

grateful  remembrance  and  respect  of  the  world,  gai.  Robert- 

°  A  son  s  cnar- 

The  character  which  is  given  by  Dr.  Robertson  of  acter  of  him. 
this  truly  great  man  is  indeed  enviable.  “  That 
prince/7  he  says,  u  added  to  the  martial  spirit 
which  was  the  characteristic  of  every  man  of 
noble  birth  at  that  time,  all  the  accomplishments 
of  a  more  enlightened  and  polished  age.  He  cul¬ 
tivated  the  arts  and  sciences,  which  were  then 
unknown  and  despised  by  persons  of  his  rank. 

He  applied  with  peculiar  fondness  to  the  study  of 
geography,  and  by  the  instruction  of  able  masters, 
as  well  as  by  the  accounts  of  travellers,  he  early 
acquired  such  knowledge  of  the  habitable  globe, 
as  discovered  the  great  probability  of  finding  new 
and  opulent  countries  by  sailing  along  the  coast 
of  Africa.  Such  an  object  was  formed  to  awaken 
the  enthusiasm  and  ardour  of  a  youthful  mind, 
and  he  engaged,  with  the  utmost  zeal,  to  patron¬ 
ize  a  design  that  might  prove  as  beneficial  as  it 
appeared  to  be  splendid  and  honourable.  In  order 
that  he  might  be  able  to  pursue  this  great  scheme 
without  interruption,  he  retired  from  court  imme¬ 
diately  after  his  return  from  Africa,  and  fixed  his 
u  residence  at  Sagres,  near  Cape  St.  Vincent,  where 
the  prospect  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  invited  his 
thoughts  continually  towards  his  favourite  project, 


28 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Vasco  de 
Gama  doub¬ 
les  Cape  of 
Good  Hope, 
1497. 


and  encouraged  him  to  execute  it.  In  this  retreat 
he  was  attended  by  some  of  the  most  learned  men 
in  his  country,  who  aided  him  in  his  researches. 
He  applied  for  information  to  the  Moors  of  Bar¬ 
bary,  who  were  accustomed  to  travel  by  land  into 
the  interior  provinces  of  Africa,  in  quest  of  ivory, 
gold-dust,  and  other  rich  commodities.  He  con- 
suited  the  Jews  settled  in  Portugal.  By  promises, 
rewards,  and  marks  of  respect,  he  allured  into  his 
service  several  persons,  foreigners  as  well  as  Por¬ 
tuguese,  who  were  eminent  for  their  skill  in  navi- 
gation.  In  taking  those  preparatory  steps,  the 
great  abilities  of  the  Prince  were  seconded  bv  his 
private  virtues.  His  integrity,  his  affability,  his 
respect  for  religion,  his  zeal  for  the  honour  of  his 
country,  engaged  persons  of  all  ranks  to  applaud 
his  design,  and  to  favour  the  execution  of  it.  His 
schemes  were  allowed  by  his  countrymen  to  pro¬ 
ceed  neither  from  ambition  nor  the  desire  of 

wealth,  but  to  flow  from  the  warm  benevolence 

•  * 

of  a  heart  eager  to  promote  the  happiness  of  man¬ 
kind,  and  which  justly  entitled  him  to  assume  a 
motto  for  his  device  that  described  the  quality  by 
which  he  wished  to  he  distinguished, — The  talent 
of  doing  good.”1 

It  is  impossible  to  avoid  a  feeling  of  regret  that 
this  great  Prince  was  not  permitted  to  live  long 
enough  to  behold  all  his  ardent  aspirations  realized. 

1  Vide  Robertson’s  History  of  progress,  and  has  been  of  much 
America,  vol.  i.  p.  43,  44.  This  service,  which  is  gratefully  ac- 
volume  has  been  frequently  re-  knowledged. 
ferred  to  while  this  chapter  was  in 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


29 


When,  at  last,  in  the  year  1497,  Vasco  de  Gama,  chapter 
proceeding  from  the  port  of  Lisbon,  with  four  ships, - *- 

Vasco  de 

coasted  the  shores  of  Africa  to  their  farthest  extent,  Gama,  1497. 
and  doubled  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  he  must  have 
regarded  with*  veneration  the  memory  of  the  able 
and  patriotic  Prince  who  first  prompted  to  the  de¬ 
sign  he  had  now  brought  to  such  a  glorious  con¬ 
clusion.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  Portu¬ 
guese  Admiral  found  in  use,  among  the  mariners  of 
the  Red  Sea  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  a  nautical  instru¬ 
ment  answering,  very  nearly,  the  description  of  the 
astrolabe,  which  that  noble  prince  had  so  recently 
assisted  in  perfecting  in  Portugal.1 


1  V asco  de  Gama  was  bom  in 
Portugal,  in  the  town  of  Synis. 
The  historians  who  have  recorded 
his  discoveries  have  omitted  to 
give  many  particulars  of  his  life 
previous  to  his  departure  for  the 
Indies.  It  was  the  current  opinion 
at  the  time  De  Gama  sailed,  that 
there  existed  on  the  eastern  shores 
of  Africa  a  nation  of  Christians 
under  the  dominion  of  a  powerful 
prince,  whom  they  called  Prester 
John,'  and  the  Portuguese,  who  had 
so  recently  seen  the  magnificent 
discoveries  of  Columbus  enuring 
to  the  benefit  of  Spain,  were  stim¬ 
ulated  to  a  determination  of  find¬ 
ing  this  country,  which  they  ima¬ 
gined  would  bring  equal  advan¬ 
tage  to  their  own  nation. 

De  Gama  set  sail  with  a  small 
fleet  on  the  8th  of  July,  1497,  and 
arrived  on  the  17th  of  December 
at  the  point  where  the  discoveries 
of  Diaz  had  ceased.  There  the 
Portuguese  entered  the  seas  of  In¬ 


dia  for  the  first  time,  and  stretch¬ 
ed  away  to  the  North. 

In  the  early  part  of  March  he 
arrived  before  the  city  of  Mozam¬ 
bique,  then  inhabited  by  Moors 
and  Mahometan  Arabs,  under  the 
dominion  of  a  prince  of  their  own 
faith. 

These  people  carried  on  an  ex¬ 
tensive  commerce  with  the  Red 
Sea,  and  the  hope  of  commercial 
connection  with  a  new  people  led 
them  to  give  a  friendly  reception 
to  De  Gama.  But  their  friendship 
was  of  short  duration,  and  as  soon 
as  they  discovered  them  to  be 
Christians,  they  formed  a  plan  to 
massacre  them.  The  admiral, 
however,  escaped  from  their  snares, 
and  proceeded  on  his  voyage, 
touching  at  various  places,  until 
he  arrived  at  Calicut,  on  the  gOth 
of  May,  1498. 

This  was  the  richest  and  most 
commercial  city  of  India  at  the 
time,  and  was  under  the  rule  of  a 


30 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Early  dis¬ 
coveries. 


The  earliest  efforts  for  maritime  discovery  were 
of  the  most  trifling  nature,  and  impeded  by  the  most 
fanciful  fears  and  apprehensions.  Accustomed  to 
think  nothing  of  a  passage  across  the  ocean,  the 
mariners  of  the  present  day  can  have  no  idea  how 
extensive  and  important,  appeared  to  the  Portu¬ 
guese  an  undertaking  to  explore  the  coast  of  Africa 
beyond  Cape  Non.  The  very  name  of  the  Cape 
itself,  was  indicative  of  the  impossibility  of  sailing 


monarch  called  Zamorin.  Luck¬ 
ily  for  De  Gama,  he  found  there  a 
Moor  who,  with  the  aid  of  one 
who  accompanied  the  fleet,  acted 
as  interpreter,  and  was  the  means 
of  his  opening  a  communication 
with  the  king.  The  Portuguese 
naturally  distrusted  the  faith  of 
the  Mahometans ;  but  their  com¬ 
mander  was  not  to  be  deterred  by 
any  ordinary  danger,  and  selecting 
twelve  brave  men  from  the  fleet, 
he  landed. 

He  was  obliged  to  go  about  five 
miles  into  the  interior  to  a  country 
palace  where  Zamorin  resided, 
and  was  followed  through  the  city 
of  Calicut  by  an  immense  crowd 
of  persons,  all  anxious  to  gaze  at 
the  newly- arrived  strangers.  He 
was  at  first  received  favourably, 
but  after  a  while,  jealousies  and 
suspicions  rose  in  the  minds  of 
the  natives,  and  rendered  it  ne¬ 
cessary  to  re-embark  and  set  sail 
somewhat  suddenly  upon  his  re¬ 
turn. 

After  refitting  his  ships  at  some 
neighbouring  islands,  he  steered  a 
homeward  course,  stopping  on  his 
way  back  at  Melinda,  where  he 
took  on  board  his  fleet  an  ambas¬ 


sador  to  the  King  of  Portugal  from 
the  ruler  of  that  country.  This 
nation  was  the  only  friendly  one 
which  the  Portuguese  found  in 
India. 

The  fleet  doubled  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  once  more  in  March, 
1499,  and  arrived  in  Lisbon  in 
September  of  the  same  year,  af¬ 
ter  an  absence  of  more  than  two 
years. 

Emmanuel  received  De  Gama 
with  the  greatest  honours  and 
magnificence,  and  created  him 
Admiral  of  the  Indies.  The  ad¬ 
miral  subsequently  made  another 
voyage  with  a  powerful  armed 
fleet  to  the  Indies,  and  compelled 
by  force  of  arms  his  old  enemy, 
Zamorin,  to  admit  of  Portuguese 
establishments  in  his  dominions. 
He  was  afterwards  created  Vice¬ 
roy  of  the  Indies,  but  died  soon 
after  his  arrival  from  his  third* 
voyage  to  take  control  of  his  new 
dominions. 

A  history  of  his  discoveries  was 
written  by  Barros,  and  published 
in  1628.  Camoens,  it  is  well 
known,  made  him  the  subject  of 
his  Lusiad. — Biog. .  Univ .,  t.  xvi., 
p.  398 — 404. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS.  3| 

beyond  it,  and  even  after  it  was  passed,  more  than  chapter 

twenty  years  elapsed  ere  the  timid  navigators  ven - - — 

tured  beyond  the  rocky  promontory  of  Bajador,  less 
than  two  hundred  miles  distant,  an  exploit,  which, 
when  it  was  at  last  accomplished,  was  proclaimed 
over  Europe  as  one  of  the  most  daring  and  intrepid 
actions,  ever  recorded  in  the  pages  of  history. 

The  belief  which  generally  prevailed,  that  the  False  ideas 
torrid  zone  was  a  region  of  impassable  heat,  where  founded  ap- 

c  1  prehensions. 

no  vegetation  existed,  and  where  the  very  waters 
of  the  ocean  boiled  as  in  a  caldron,  under  the  in¬ 
fluence  of  a  vertical  sun,  had  effectually  checked 
any  attempts  at  discovery  ;  and  as  the  Portuguese 
penetrated  within  the  tropics,  the  sights  they  saw, 
all  tended  to  confirm  the  old  opinion. 

Beyond  the  Senegal  River  they  found  a  new  race 
of  beings,  with  complexions  black  as  ebony,  with 
hair  crisped  as  though  burnt,  with  features  flat  and 
inexpressive,  and  evidently  possessing  intelligence 
vastly  inferior  to  their  own.  This  was  all  attribu¬ 
ted  to  the  fatal  influence  of  the  climate,  and  they 
dreaded  any  further  exploration,  lest  by  some  sud¬ 
den  catastrophe,  they  also  might  be  reduced  to  the 
state  in  which  they  found  the  unhappy  denizens  of 
Africa. 

The  active  and  capacious  mind  of  Prince  Hen¬ 
ry  alone  opposed  itself  to  the  representations  which 
they  made  to  him.  The  discoveries  which  they 
had  already  made,  served  to  undermine  his  con¬ 
fidence  in  the  views  of  the  ancient  geographers, 
and  supported  in  his  determination  by  his  brother 


32 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Sanction  of 
the  Church. 


Death  of 
Prince  Hen¬ 
ry,  1643. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Pedro,  who  then  ruled  in  Portugal,  as  guardian  of 
his  minor  nephew,  Alphonso,  he  persevered  in  his 
plans  with  eagerness. 

One  circumstance  contributed  materially  to  ani¬ 
mate  the  hearts  of  the  Portuguese  navigators, 
which  must  not  be  overlooked.  Well  knowing 
the  effect  which  an  apparent  sanction  of  his  move¬ 
ments  by  the  Church  would  have  upon  the  bigoted 
minds  of  his  countrymen,  Prince  Henry  applied 
directly  to  the  Head  of  the  Church,  and,  by  repre¬ 
senting  the  labours  and  religious  zeal  with  which 
he  had  exerted  himself  for  many  years  to  discover 
unknown  regions  then  sunk  in  the  darkness  of 
Paganism,  with  a  view  to  their  conversion  to  the 
true  faith,  lie  obtained  from  the  Pope  a  Bull,  con¬ 
ferring  upon  the  crown  of  Portugal  the  exclusive 
right  of  dominion  over  all  the  countries  which  they 
might  discover  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  as  far  as  the 
Indies.  Absurd  as  this  grant  appears  at  the  pres¬ 
ent  day,  no  power  then  existed,  that  disputed  the 
right  of  the  papal  see  to  make  it,  or  that  ventured 
to  interfere  with  it.  The  religious  zeal  of  the  dis¬ 
coverers  was  highly  inflamed  by  the  encomiums 
bestowed  upon  them,  and  they  were  encouraged  to 
prosecute  their  undertakings  by  a  new  and  power¬ 
ful  motive. 

In  1463  the  cause  of  discovery  received  a  severe 

•  _____ 
blow  in  the  death  of  Prince  Henry.  From  that 

time  until  the  accession  of  John  II.  to  the  throne 

of  Portugal,  little  worthy  of  note  was  added 

*  _ 

to  the  maritime  knowledge  of  the  world.  The 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


33 


new  monarch,  however,  entered  at  once  into  the  chapter 

schemes  of  his  grand  uncle,  and  revived  them  with - - - 

great  vigour.  Powerful  fleets  were  despatched 
from  time  to  time;  forts  were  erected  aloii£  the 
African  coast,  and  at  length  when  the  line  was  cross 
ed,  the  delusions  which  had  long  held  the  minds 
of  men  in  bondage,  were  dissipated.  Two  great 
errors  of  the  ancients  were  exposed :  the  first,  that 
respecting  the  unconquerable  heat  of  the  tropics; 
the  second,  that  the  continent  of  Africa  increased 
in  breadth  as  it  extended  to  the  south. 

The  return  of  Bartholemew  Diaz,  a  mariner  of  Barthol. 
great  sagacity  and  boldness,  who,  in  1486,  had  em?miaz’ 
coasted  the  shores  over  a  thousand  miles,  and 
finally  reached  the  southernmost  point  of  Africa, 
filled  the  sanguine  mind  of  the  king  with  the 
warmest  hopes  of  success.  In  the  plenitude  of  his. 
joy,  and  confident  that  he  had  at  last  attained  the 
great  object  of  his  enterprises,  he  re-named  the 
promontory  which  Diaz  had  appropriately  desig¬ 
nated,  Cabo  Tormentoso,  or  the  Stormy  Cape,  and 
gave  it  the  more  euphonious  and  attractive  title, 

The  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

Active  preparations  were  immediately  com¬ 
menced  to  bring  to  a  conclusion  their  long  and 
arduous  labours.  But,  notwithstanding  the  skill 
which  the  Portuguese  sailors  had  gained,  the  • 

reports  which  the  companions  of  Diaz  widely  cir¬ 
culated  filled  the  minds  of  all  with  fear,  and  some 
years  elapsed  before  they  were  sufficiently  calmed 

to  take  advantage  of  the  knowledge  already  ac- 

** 

o 


34 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Growth  of 
the  Spirit  of 
Discovery. 


quired.  While  the  possibility  of  doubling  in  safety 
a  cape,  washed  by  seas  so  tempestuous,  was  eager¬ 
ly  debated,  Europe  was  electrified  by  the  astound¬ 
ing:  discovery  of  a  new  world  in  the  Western 
Ocean,  a  direction  which  the  boldest  in  nauti¬ 
cal  affairs  had  hitherto  scarcely  dared  to  contem¬ 
plate. 

The  impetus  which  was  given  to  the  spirit  of 
discovery  by  these  voyages  of  the  Portuguese,  may 
be  compared  with  the  vast  conceptions,  and  mag¬ 
nificent  projects,  which  have  followed  the  applica- 
of  the  power  of  steam  in  the  present  day.  The 
public  mind  was  excited  beyond  measure,  and  the 
wildest  tales  of  imaginary  regions  beyond  the 
trackless  waste  of  waters,  hitherto  unexplored, 
found  ready  and  enthusiastic  believers,  who  were 
willing  to  peril  life  and  reputation  in  efforts  to  test 
their  truth.  As  is  almost  always  the  case,  those- 
who  were  most  earnest  in  their  faith,  possessed 
the  smallest  means  to  carry  out  their  views. 

But  their  day  of  success  was  fast  approaching. 
The  science  of  cosmography  became  the  favourite 
subject  of  speculation  among  philosophers  and 
learned  men,  affording,  as  it  did,  a  brilliant  field 
for  the  imagination,  and,  at  the  same  time,  an  op¬ 
portunity  of  deep  research.  The  works  of  ancient 
writers  were  ardently  sought  for,  and  diligently 
collated ;  the  vague  hypotheses  of  some  of  the  old 
geographers  were  revived ;  theories  which  had  lain 
undisturbed  beneath  the  dust  of  ages  were  brought 
to  light  again ;  and,  when  compared  with  the  ac- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


35 


counts  of  Eastern  travellers,  lent  a  semblance  of 
truth  to  the  dim  visions  of  distant  islands  in  the 
Atlantic,  which  haunted  the  minds  of  navigators ; 
the  coast  of  Africa  gave  immense  scope  to  nautical 
enterprise,  and  the  court  of  Portugal,  hitherto  hard¬ 
ly  known  in  Europe,  became  at  once  the  resort  of 
hardy  adventurers  from  all  nations,  while  the  king¬ 
dom  rose  immediately  from  the  inferior  position  it 
had  previously  occupied,  to  one  of  the  greatest  im¬ 
portance.  Lisbon  was  in  a  continual  fever  of  ex¬ 
citement,  which  affected  all  classes  of  society,  and 
the  constant  succession  of  new  expeditions  which 
were  fitted  out  were  eagerly  joined  by  men  of 
rank  and  celebrity,  as  well  as  the  more  common 
class  of  mariners. 

The  idea  of  a  passage  by  the  west  to  India  was 
not,  even  at  that  time,  one  of  recent  date.  Various 
indefinite  accounts  were  current  of  seamen  driven 
by  tempestuous  gales  far  out  of  their  course,  who, 
on  their  return,  had  reported  that  they  had  fallen 
in  with  land,  which  was  supposed  to  be  a  part  of 
the  islands  on  the  eastern  coast  of  India.  The  re¬ 
discovery  of  the  Grand  Canaries,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  the  Fortunate  Islands  of  the  ancients,  from 
which  Ptolemy  calculated  longitude,  had  familiar¬ 
ized  navigators  with  the  wide  waters  of  the  Atlan¬ 
tic,  and  occasionally,  for  a  century  past,  they  had 
ventured  even  farther  out  on  the  ocean,  in  the 
doubtful  hope  of  meeting  with  the  fabled  Atalan- 
tis  of  Plato,  or  the  equally  visionary  islands  of  the 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Speculation 
on  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  a  pas¬ 
sage  to  the 
Indies. 


36 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Seven  Cities  and  St.  Brandan.1  Each  of  these 
phantasies  found  firm  believers,  and  the  age  re¬ 
quired  only  a  master-mind  to  arrange  the  crude 


1  The  fabulous  history  of  both 
of  these  islands  is  full  of  romantic 
interest,  which  the  reader  may 
.gratify  by  the  perusal  of  Mr.  Ir¬ 
ving’s  account  of  them  in  the  ap¬ 
pendix  to  his  history  of  Columbus. 
A  short  sketch  is  all  that  our  space 
admits,  and  is  abridged  from  that 
work. 

The  story  which  was  current  at 
the  time  of  Columbus,  respecting 
the  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities, 
was  to  this  effect.  When  the 
Moors  overrun  and  conquered  the 
countries  of  Spain  and  Portugal, 
seven  bishops  of  the  Christian 
church  fled  by  sea,  and  abandon¬ 
ing  themselves  to  the  waves,  were 
cast  upon  an  island  in  the  midst 
of  the  ocean,  where  they  destroy-, 
ed  their  ships  to  prevent  the  de¬ 
sertion  of  their  followers,  and  foun¬ 
ded  seven  cities.  This  story  was 
very  generally  credited  at  the  time 
of  Prince  Henry,  who  was  said  to 
have  received  accounts  of  the  is¬ 
land  from  some  Portuguese  sailors, 
and  in  the  maps  of  the  era  it  was 
located  in  the  Atlantic  under  the 
name  of  Antilla. 

The  origin  of  the  belief  in  the 
Island  of  St.  Brandan  is  still  more 
singular.  It  was  supposed  by 
many  to  be  identical  with  the  Is¬ 
land  of  the  Seven  Cities,  and  ori¬ 
ginated  in  a  very  remarkable  op¬ 
tical  delusion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Canaries.  They  imagined 
that  in  clear  weather  they  could 
see  from  the  summits  of  their  high¬ 
est  hills,  an  island,  apparently 


about  ninety  leagues  in  length,  and 
varying  in  distance  from  the  point 
of  view  from  fifteen  to  one  hundred 
leagues,  according  to  the  accounts 
of  different  persons.  The  name 
W'as  derived  from  that  of  a  Scotch 
abbot,  St.  Borondon,  who  went 
with  a  numerous  train  of  monks 
and  enthusiasts,  as  the  tale  was 
told,  in  search  of  a  terrestrial  par¬ 
adise  in  the  ocean,  and  who  at 
last  were  thrown  upon  this  island. 

It  is  astonishing  how  many  ex¬ 
peditions  were  fitted  out  and  sailed 
in  search  of  this  imaginary  coun¬ 
try,  but  it  always  eluded  the  pur¬ 
suit  of  the  navigators.  Even  as 
late  as  the  year  1721  a  fleet  was 
sent  in  search  of  it,  and  in  1755  it 
still  figured  in  some  geographical 
charts.  In  a  letter  written  by  a 
Franciscan  monk  from  the  Island 
of  Gomara  in  1759,  it  is  distinctly 
described  as  having  been  seen  by 
himself  and  upwards  of  forty  wit¬ 
nesses,  whom  he  called  to  verify 
his  own  eyesight.  He  describes 
it  as  consisting  of  two  high  moun¬ 
tains,  with  a  valley  between,  .and 
when  viewed  through  a  telescope, 
the  ravine  appeared  filled  with 
trees  and  verdure.  A  belief  in 
the  existence  of  this  island  is  still 
prevalent  among  the  more  super¬ 
stitious  of  the  lower  classes  in  the 
Canaries. 

Unwilling  to  disbelieve  what 
appears  to  them  to  be  the  evidence 
of  their  senses,  they  prefer  to  at¬ 
tribute  the  impossibility  of  reach¬ 
ing  it  to  supernatural  causes,  and 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS, 


37 


imaginings  which  were  rife,  and  direct  them  to  a 
useful  end.  Such  a  mind  existed. 

For  many  years  previous  to  his  first  voyage, 
Columbus  pondered  over  the  idea  of  a  western 
passage  to  India;  he  collected  by  degrees  all  the 
information  which  was  to  be  derived  from  the 
works  of  the  ancients,  and  from  the  accounts  of 
certain  recent  travellers  who  had  penetrated  thft 
countries  of  Eastern  Asia,  far  beyond  the  regions 
described  by  Ptolemy.  The  narrations  of  Marco 
Polo  and  Mandeville,  who  visited  Asia  in  the  thir¬ 
teenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  and  gave  marvel¬ 
lous  accounts  of  the  wealth  and  grandeur  of  the 
- 

potentates  who  inhabited  those  unknown  coun¬ 
tries,  were  diligently  studied  and  connected  with 
more  trifling  evidence.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
newly  discovered  Canaries,  or  of  the  Azores,  had 
found  on  their  shores  pieces  of  wood  strangely 
carved,  or  of  trees  unknown  in  Europe,  and  once, 
it  was  said,  there  had  come  to  their  islands  two 
messengers  from  the  far-off  land,  whose  swollen 
and  disfigured  lips,  could  they  have  spoken,  might 
have  told  of  a  new  race  of  beings  and  a  new 
world.  They  were  speechless  corpses,  yet  their 
lineaments  were  strange,  and  it  was  evident  that 

maintain  that  it  is  inaccessible  to  above  the  sea.  The  inhabitants 
mortals.  If  such  sights  are  still  on  the  borders  of  the  great  Amer- 
seen,  they  are  undoubtedly  the  ef-  ican  lakes  sometimes  witness  a 
fects  of  atmospherical  deceptions,  phenomenon  ve^  similar,  when 
similar  to  that  of  the  Fata  Mor-  the  Canadian  shore  is  distinctly 
gana,  seen  at  times  in  the  Straits  visible,  though  at  a  distance  be- 
of  Messina,  where  the  town  of  yond  the  possibility  of  actual  ob- 
Keggio  is  reflected  in  the  air  servation. 

3 


CHAPTER 

I. 


The  reflec¬ 
tions  of 
Christo¬ 
pher  Co¬ 
lumbus. 


38 

CHAPTER 

I. 


I 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  blood  which  had  once  circulated  in  their  veins* 
came  not  from  the  same  source  as  that  of  the  won¬ 
dering  islanders. 

Columbus  gave  heed  to  these  and  many  other 
similar  circumstances,  and  his  views  were  strength¬ 
ened  almost  to  certainty  by  the  receipt  of  a  letter 
from  a  learned  cosmographer  of  Florence,  by  name 
Paolo  Toscanelli,  with  whom  he  had  opened  a 
correspondence,  and  who  had  sent  him  a  map, 
projected  according  to  Ptolemy  in  part,  and  in  part 
from  the  accounts  of  Marco  Polo.1  Therein  ap- 


1  Toscanelli  (Paul  del  Pozzo)  or 
Paul  the  Physician,  was  born  at 
Florence  in  1397.  He  devoted 
himself  with  great  ardour  to  the 
study  of  astronomy,  and  became 
so  celebrated  for  his  learning  that 
at  the  age  of  thirty  years,  in  1428 
he  was  appointed  one  of  the  cu¬ 
rators  of  the  valuable  library  which 
Niccoli  had  placed  under  the  care 
of  the  most  illustrious  citizens  of 
Florence. 

The  reading  of  the  travels  of 
Marco  Polo  excited  the  imagination 
of  Toscanelli,  who  compared  his 
accounts  with  the  information  he 
derived  from  some  Eastern  mer¬ 
chants,  and  pondered  incessantly 
upon  the  means  of  opening  a  com¬ 
munication  with  the  magnificent 
countries  which  he  described. 

After  a  while  he  conceived  the 
idea  of  a  passage  by  the  west, 
and  in  reply  to  the  letter  of  Co¬ 
lumbus,  who,  hearing  of  his  learn¬ 
ing,  wrote  to  consult  him.  he  sent 
a  long  explanatory  letter,  accom¬ 
panied  by  a  hydrographical  chart. 

On  this  chart  a  line  was  pro¬ 


jected  from  Lisbon,  on  the  western 
extremity  of  Europe,  to  the  great 
city  of  Quinsai,  on  the  opposite 
shores  of  Asia.  This  line  was 
divided  into  twenty-six  spaces  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  each,, 
making  the  total  distance  between 
the  two  cities  sixty-five  hundred 
miles,  being,  as  Toscanelli  suppo¬ 
sed,  one-third  of  the  circumference 
of  the  earth.  His  ideas  took  strong 
hold  of  the  mind  of  Columbus,  and 
influenced  him  in  all  his  voyages. 

In  consequence  of  his  constant 
study  of  the  heavenly  bodies, 
many  of  the  superstitious  of  his 
day  were  disposed  to  look  upon 
him  as  an  astrologer,  but  he  did 
nothing  to  encourage  the  notion, 
and  was  free  from  any  of  the  ab¬ 
surd  views  which  many  astrono¬ 
mers  still  kept  alive.  Fie  replied 
to  those  who  questioned  him  on 
the  subject,  that  he  found  in  his 
own  case  a  proof  of  the  fallacy 
of  astrological  calculations,  for  he 
had  attained  to  a  great  age  in  spite 
of  the  constellations  which  figured 
in  his  horoscope,  and  which  all 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


39 


peared  the  eastern  regions  of  Asia,  invitingly  pic¬ 
tured  at  a  few  days  sail  from  the  western  shores 
of  Europe,  while,  as  stopping-places  for  the  weary 
navigator,  at  convenient  distances  lay  the  wealthy 
islands  of  Cipango  and  Antilla. 

it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  researches 
which  Columbus  was  engaged  in,  left  him  ignorant 
of  the  wild  accounts  of  the  discoveries  of  the 
Northmen,  some  centuries  before.  Mysterious 
legendary  tales,  of  a  land  beyond  the  Thule  of  the 
ancients,  must  have  reached  his  ears.  He  sailed 
himself,  in  1477,  in  the  direction  indicated  by  the 
Scandinavian  mariners.  If  the  antiquarian  re¬ 
searches  of  the  nineteenth  century  are  to  be  credit¬ 
ed,  these  adventurous  voyagers  were  not  content¬ 
ed  with  the  discovery  of  Greenland  and  Vinland, 
but  coasted  the  shores  of  North  America  to  a 
low  latitude,  and  left  upon  the  rocks  of  New- 
England  sculptured  evidence  of  their  daring  navi¬ 
gation.  But  whatever  reliance  may  be  placed 
upon  the  accounts  of  their  voyages  now,  in  the 
days  of  Columbus  they  were  effectually  lost  to  the 
world,  and  were  of  no  more  advantage  to  him  in 
the  prosecution  of  his  plans,  than  the  wildest  tales 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Canaries.1 

predicted  an  early  death.  Not-  celebrated  Dighton  Rock,  one  of 
withstanding  his  longevity,  he  did  the  most  remarkable  remains  al- 
not  have  the  satisfaction  of  know-  hided  to,  is  extracted  from  a  letter 
ing  the  discoveries  of  Columbus,  addressed  by  Thomas  H.  Webb, 
He  died  at  Florence,  15th  of  May,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  Rhode  Island 
1482. — Biog.  Univ tom.  xlvi.,  Historical  Society,  to  the  Royal 
p.  303 — 305.  Society  of  Northern  Antiquarians, 

1  The  following  account  of  the  which  is  published  in  their  great 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Discoveries 
of  the  Scan¬ 
dinavians. 


40 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Cotempo¬ 
rary  Navi¬ 
gators,  na¬ 
tives  of 
Italy. 


Jk 


The  mention  of  Columbus  naturally  brings  to 
mind  other  navigators  of  his  own  country  and 
epoch.  It  would  reasonably  be  supposed  that 


work  on  the  subject  of  Scandina¬ 
vian  remains  in  America. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  Sept.  22,  1830. 

*****  That  the  ex¬ 
istence  of  the  continent  of  Amer¬ 
ica  was  known  ta  European  na¬ 
tions  at  a  period  anterior  to  the 
voyages  of  Columbus,  has  long 
been  the  received  opinion  of  many 
of  our  most  learned  antiquaries. 
In  the  western  parts  of  our  coun¬ 
try  may  still  he  seen  numerous 
and  extensive  mounds  similar  to 
the  tumuli  met  with  in  Scandina¬ 
via,  Tartary,  and  Russia;  also  the 
remains  of  fortifications  that  must 
have  required  for  their  construc¬ 
tion  a  degree  of  industry,  labour, 
and  skill,  as  -well  as  an  advance¬ 
ment  in  the  arts,  that  never  char¬ 
acterized  any  of  the  Indian  tribes. 
Various  articles  of  pottery  are 
found  in  them,  with  the  method 
ofmanufacturing  which,  they  were 
entirely  unacquainted.  But,  above 
all,  many  rocks  inscribed  with  un¬ 
known  characters,  apparently  of 
very  ancient  origin,  have  been  dis¬ 
covered,  scattered  through  differ¬ 
ent  parts  of  the  country — rocks, 
the  constituent  parts  of  which  are 
such  as  to  render  it  almost  impos¬ 
sible  to  engrave  on  them  such 
writings,  without  the  aid  of  iron, 
or  other  hard  metallic  instruments. 
The  Indians  were  ignorant  of  the 
existence  of  these  rocks,  and  the 
manner  of  working  with  iron  they 
learned  of  the  Europeans  after  the 
settlement  of  the  country  by  the 
English.  ****** 


A  rock  similar  to  those  alluded 
to  above,  lies  in  our  vicinity.  It 
is  situated  about  six  and  an  half 
miles  vsouth  of  Taunton,  on  the 
east  side  of  Taunton  River,  a  few 
feet  from  the  shore,  and  on  the 
west  side  of  Assonet  Neck,  in  the 
town  of  Berkeley,  County  of  Bris¬ 
tol,  and  Commonwealth  of  Massa¬ 
chusetts  :  although  probably  from 
the  fact  of  being  generally  visited 
from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
which  is  in  Dighton,  it  has  always 
been  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Dighton  Writing  Rock.  It  faces 
northwest  toward  the  bed  of  the 
river,  and  is  covered  by  the  water 
two  or  three  feet  at  the  highest, 
and  is  left  ten  or  twelve  feet  from 
it  at  the  lowest  tides.  It  is  also 
completely  immersed  twice  in 
twentv-four  hours.  The  rock  does 
not  occur  in  situ,  but  shows  indu¬ 
bitable  evidence  of  having  occu¬ 
pied  the  spot  where  it  now  rests, 
since  the  period  of  that  great  and 
extensive  disruption,  which  was 
followed  by  the  transportation  of 
immense  boulders  to,  and  a  deposit 
of  them  in,  places  at  a  vast  dis¬ 
tance  from  their  original  beds.  It 
is  a  mass  of  well-characterized, 
fine-grained  greywacke.  Its  true 
colour,  as  exhibited  by  a  fresh 
fracture,  is  a  bluish  grey. 

There  is  no  rock  in  the  imme¬ 
diate  neighbourhood  which  would 
at  all  answer  as  a  substitute  for 
the  purpose  for  which  the  one 
bearing  the  inscription  was  se¬ 
lected,  as  they  are  aggregates  of 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


41 

those  nations  whose  extended  commerce  gave  chapter 

them  the  greatest  opportunities  to  acquire  famili- - _ 

arity  with  nautical  affairs  would  have  derived  the 
widest  benefit  from  the  experience  of  their  citi¬ 
zens,  but  such  was  not  the  case.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that  while  all  the  prominent  powers  of 
Europe  availed  themselves  of  the  services  of  Ital-  No  Italian 
ian  navigators  in  prosecuting  the  discovery  of  new  STtife  New 

.  -|  .  .  .  World. 

regions,  and  in  acquiring  new  possessions ;  not  a 
foot  of  territory  was  obtained  by  any  of  the  govern¬ 
ments  of  that  country.  The  skill  in  nautical 
science,  which  the  citizens  of  her  republics  had 
acquired,  in  the  course  of  a  long  and  prosperous 
career  of  mercantile  enterprise,  was  rendered  en¬ 
tirely  useless  to  them  by  the  petty  feuds  and  fac¬ 
tions  which  occupied  the  attention  of  their  rulers. 


the  large  conglomerate  variety. 
Its  face,  measured  at  the  base,  is 
eleven  feet  and  an  half,  and  in 
height  it  is  a  little  rising  five  feet. 
The  upper  surface  forms  with  the 
horizon  an  inclined  plane  of  about 
sixty  degrees.  The  whole  of  the 
face  is  covered,  to  within  a  few 
inches  of  the  ground,  with  un¬ 
known  hieroglyphics.  There  ap¬ 
pears  little  or  no  method  in  the 
arrangement  of  them.  The  lines 
are  from  half  an  inch  to  an  inch 
in  width,  and  in  depth  generally 
one  third  of  an  inch,  though  gen¬ 
erally  very  superficial.  They 
were,  inferring  from  the  rounded 
elevations  and  intervening  depres¬ 
sions,  pecked  in  upon  the  rock,  and 
not  chiselled  or  smoothly  cut  out. 

The  marks  of  human  power 


and  manual  labour  are  indelibly 
stamped  upon  it.  No  one  who 
examines  attentively  the  work¬ 
manship  will  believe  it  to  have 
been  done  by  the  Indians.  More¬ 
over,  it  is  a  well-attested  fact,  that 
nowhere  throughout  our  wide¬ 
spread  domain  is  a  single  instance 
of  their  recording,  or  having  re¬ 
corded,  their  deeds  or  history  on 
stone. — Antiquitates  American ce, 
p.  356 — 358. 

1 _  A. 

The  work  from  which  the  above 
is  taken  contains  evidence,  col¬ 
lected  with  great  pains  and  ability, 
and  proving  conclusively  the  dis¬ 
coveries  of  the  Northmen,  and 
will  well  repay  the  antiquarian 
reader.  It  is  published  in  the 
Danish  language,  with  a  Latin 
translation  subjoined. 


42 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


State  of 
the  Italian 
Republics. 


Venice,  Genoa,  Florence,  and  Fisa,  though  fully 
awake  to  the  importance  of  the  undertakings  which 
were  in  progress,  and  sensible  that  their  success 
would  inevitably  be  the  beginning  of  ruin  to  their 
own  commerce,  were  yet  so  much  engrossed  in  the 
unfortunate  conflicts  of  the  times,  they  heeded 
not  the  warnings  which  occasionally  reached  them. 
While  Columbus  was  giving  a  new  world  to  Cas¬ 
tile,  while  Sebastian  Cabot  projected  immense  and 
promising  plans  of  vast  commercial  advantage  to 
England,  for  which  that  country  owes  him  a  debt 
of  imperishable  gratitude  ;  while  Vespucius,  in  the 
service  of  Portugal  and  Spain,  added  immeasurable 
regions  to  the  dominion  of  both  powers,  and  while 
Verazzani,  another  noble  Florentine,  braved  the 
dangers  of  the  Atlantic,  and  coasted  the  shores  of 
the  New  World,  in  the  employment  of  France, 
they  all  remained  passive  spectators  of  the  prog¬ 
ress  of  discovery,  and,  as  it  were,  unconcerned  at 
their  own  impending  fate. 

What  a  lesson  for  the  statesmen  and  philoso¬ 
phers  of  modern  times  does  the  position  of  the 
Italian  States,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  present ! 
Divided  among  themselves,  they  possessed  no  ex¬ 
ternal  power,  and  expended  all  their  resources  in 
contemptible  efforts  to  add  a  few  roods  of  ground 
to  the  territories  of  their  own  particular  cities 
and  principalities,  at  the  expense  of  some  weaker 
neighbour,  while  continents  were  divided  among 
the  more  sagacious  nations  of  Europe.  Even 
Rome,  once  the  mistress  of  the  world,  displayed 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


43 


her  pitiable  imbecility,  in  grants  of  domains  more  chapter 
extensive  than  the  broadest  empires  of  the  Ca3sars,  — 1 
and  reposed  sluggishly  upon  her  seven  hills,  while 
greater  prizes  than  ever  before  had  tempted  her, 
were  within  her  grasp. 

How  different  would  have  been  the  case  had  a 
federative  union  subsisted  in  Italy  in  the  fifteenth 
century !  Each  separate  province,  linked  with  the 
others  in  bonds  of  common  interest  and  unity,  and 
directing  their  joint  efforts  for  the  common  good, 
Genoese,  Florentine,  and  Venetian,  all  alike  Ital¬ 
ians  !  Once  more  might  Italy  have  been  the  cen¬ 
tre  of  the  universe,  and  Home  have  received  the 
tribute  of  the  world. 

A  short  sketch  of  the  lives  of  Verazzani  and 
Cabot  may  not  be  without  interest  to  the  reader, 
and  is  given  in  this  place,  although  both  are  wor¬ 
thy  of  a  more  elaborate  notice. 

Giovanni  Verazzani,  a  Florentine  navigator,  was  Giovanni 

y 

born  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  1524. 
He  was  of  noble  descent,  and  was  employed  by 
Francis  I.  to  make  discoveries  in  the  northern  part 
of  America.  Authors  differ  concerning  the  date  of 
his  departure ;  but  it  appears  that  he  went  to  sea 
before  the  month  of  July,  in  the  year  1524,  since, 
on  the  8th  of  that  month,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
French  monarch,  informing  him,  that,  in  conse¬ 
quence  of  a  violent  gale,  he  had  been  obliged  to 
put  back  into  a  port  of  Brittany. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  in  the  same  year,  he  set  Sails  in  the 
sail  with  the  frigate  Dauphin,  which  he  com-  Da,,plim' 


44 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

J. 


Fa  te  of  Gio¬ 
vanni  Ve- 
razzani. 


■Sebastian 
( ’abot. 


mantled,  from  a  desert  island  near  Madeira,  where 
he  had  previously  come  to  anchor.  After  having 
experienced  a  violent  hurricane,  he  coasted  the 
shores  of  some  parts  of  North  America. 

His  letters  give  a  curious  description  of  the  sava¬ 
ges  he  met  with,  and  of  the  plants,  birds,  and  ani¬ 
mals  of  the  unknown  region.  His  discoveries  were 
considered  highly  important  at  the  time,  as  he 
visited  more  than  seven  hundred  leagues  of  coast, 
running  from  30°  north  latitude  as  far  as  New¬ 
foundland.  It  is  said,  by  some  authorities,  that  he 
met  with  a  horrible  fate  on  these  inhospitable 
shores ;  having  been  taken,  with  many  of  his  com¬ 
panions,  and  roasted  alive  by  the  Indians.  Others, 
however,  with  less  appearance  of  truth,  say  that  he 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Spaniards,  who  sent 
him  to  Madrid,  where  he  was  hung. 

In  the  library  of  the  Palazzo  Strozzi,  at  Flor¬ 
ence,  is  preserved  a  cosmographical  description  of 
the  coasts  and  countries  which  Verazzani  visited, 
while  seeking  for  a  passage  to  the  East  Indies  by 
the  north,  which  was  the  great  object  of  his  voy¬ 
ages,  as  it  was  of  almost  all  the  enterprises  of  the 
day.  An  account  of  his  voyage,  which  was  origi¬ 
nally  sent  by  him  to  the  King  of  France,  may  be 
found  in  the  collection  of  Ramusio.1 

Sebastian  Cabot  was  bom  in  Bristol,  England, 
in  1467,  whither  his  father,  John  Cabot,  had  gone 
from  Venice,  to  propose  to  the  king  a  scheme  for 


1  Vide  Biographie  Universelle,  tom.  xlviii.  p.  158. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


45 


the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  Cathay  and  the  East 
Indies.  The  whole  family,  consisting  of  the  father 
and  his  three  sons,  were  treated  with  great  atten¬ 
tion  by  Henry  VII. 

An  authentic  decree  is  extant,  dated  March  5th, 

1495,  in  which  that  king  grants  to  him  and  his 

children  the  liberty  of  navigating  in  all  seas  under 

the  English  flag,  and  authorizes  him  to  form  estab- 

♦ 

lishments  and  build  forts,  ceding  to  him  and  his 
heirs  a  monopoly  of  commerce  hi  all  the  countries 
he  might  discover. 

The  only  fragments  of  any  voyages  made  by  this 
family  of  navigators  which  have  been  preserved, 
mention  the  name  of  Sebastian  alone.  It  seems 
that,  setting  sail  from  England,  he  chose  the  north¬ 
west  route,  and  fell  in  with  land  which  tended  to 
the  north.  He  endeavoured  to  discover  a  gulf 
stretching  to  the  west,  but  after  sailing  as  high  as 
56°  north  latitude,  and  finding  that  the  course  of 
the  land  was  easterly,  he  despaired  of  meeting 
with  a  passage,  and  turned  in  a  southerly  direction 
and  proceeded  as  far  as  the  southernmost  Cape  of 
Florida. 

Ramusio  gives  no  account  of  the  voyages  of  Se¬ 
bastian  Cabot,  but  contents  himself  with  quoting, 
in  the  preface  to  his  third  volume,  a  passage  from 
a  letter  which  he  had  received  from  him.  It  ap¬ 
pears  to  be  from  the  pen  of  a  man  of  much  experi¬ 
ence  and  uncommon  acquirements  in  the  arts  of 
navigation  and  cosmography.  Subsequently  he 
transcribes  part  of  his  letter,  from  which  it  appears 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Decree  of 
Henry  VII. 


Cabot’s 

Voyage, 


m 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  CF 


CHAPTER 

f. 


Cabot'  goes 
to  Spain. 


that  Cabot  advanced  as  far  as  67°  north  latitude, 
and  sailed  behind  many  of  the  islands  which  he 
found  upon  the  coast.  Peter  Martyr  relates,  in  his 
History  of  the  East  Indies,  that  Cabot  met  with 
icebergs,  which  impeded  his  progress  towards  the 
north.  The  same  author  adds,  that  in  this  part  of 
the  sea  there  was  no  night,  and  that  at  midnight  it 
was  possible  to  see  with  as  much  distinctness,  as  in 
the  twilight  of  other  countries. 

If  these  accounts  can  be  relied  upon,  if  would 
seem  that  Cabot  had  gone  as  far  as  Hudson’s  Bay, 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  he  only  penetrated  the 
Gulf  and  River  of  St.  Lawrence. 

After  having  made  these  discoveries  for  the 
King  of  England,  Cabot  went  to  Spain  and  made 
several  voyages  in  Spanish  vessels,  in  one  oi  which 
he  ascended  the  River  La  Plata.  At  the  death  oi 
Vespucius,  in  1512,  he  succeeded  him  in  the  cilice 
of  chief  pilot.  This  office  lie  only  held  a  short 
time ;  but,  disgusted  with  the  ignoble  commence¬ 
ment  of  the  reign  of  Charles  V.,  he  returned  to 
England,  where  he  found  honourable  employment 
under  Henry  VIII.,  and  performed  another  wester¬ 
ly  voyage  in  1517,  which,  however,  resulted  unsuc¬ 
cessfully.  In  1518  he  again  went  to  Spain,  but 
finally  returned  to  England  to  end  his  days. 
There  he  exercised  a  general  superintendence  of 
the  English  maritime  expeditions,  receiving  a  hand¬ 
some  salary. 

It  was  at  his  instigation  that  the  important  ex¬ 
pedition  was  undertaken  which  resulted  in  the 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


47 


opening  of  a  trade  with  Russia ;  and  in  the  charter  chapter 

of  the  company  of  merchants,  which  was  granted - : - 

by  the  government,  his  name  was  mentioned  as 
“  the  chiefest  setter  forth'’  of  the  project.  Cabot 
lived  to  a  very  advanced  age,  and  died  in  London ; 
but  neither  the  date  of  his  death  nor  the  place  of 
his  interment  is  authentically  known. 

On  his  last  voyage  he  satisfied  himself  that  the  Variation  of 

tlio  INfccdlc* 

variation  of  the  needle  wras  regulated  by  fixed  • 
natural  laws,  and  disclosed  his  discovery  of  the 
principles  of  that  remarkable  phenomenon  to  Ed¬ 
ward  VI.  on  his  return.  This  discovery  alone 
should  render  his  name  immortal.1 

In  reading  the  pages  of  history,  it  is  impossible  intellectual 

aspects  of 

not  to  be  struck  with  the  prevalence,  or,  so  to  different 

61*35* 

speak,  the  pre-eminence,  of  particular  ideas  and 
phrases  in  particular  epochs.  In  all  the  works 
originating  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centu¬ 
ries,  which  have  come  down  to  modern  times,  the 
Crusades  and  Crusaders  are  almost  inevitably  con¬ 
stant  themes.  This  is  but  an  example,  but  the 
same  remark  applies  equally  well  to  other  periods 
of  the  world.  For  a  while  the  Reformation  weighed 


down  the  pens  of  authors,  and  all  their  writings 
were,  as  it  seemed  involuntarily,  tinged  with  the 
colouring  of  that  great  event.  In  this  nineteenth 
century,  who  does  not  recognize  the  marked  effect 
of  that  most  astonishing  of  all  the  astonishing  oc¬ 
currences  in  the  annals  of  nations,  the  b  rencli 


1  Biog.  Univ.  Art.  Cabot. 


4S 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  Revolution  ?  Tims  it  was  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 

— — : - tury.  One  great  idea  filled  the  minds  of  men,  and 

was  made  as  familiar  as  household  words  in  all 
the  writings  of  the  era.  It  appeared  in  all  shapes, 
and  scarcely  a  volume  was  written  that  was  not 
sympathetically  infected  with  it,  to  a  greater  or  less 
degree.  It  was  the  great  event  of  the  discovery  of 
a  new  world. 

Revival  of*  How  fortunate  it  was  for  succeeding  ages  that 

Letters. 

this  discovery  took  place  at  a  period  when  the 
revival  of  letters  and  civilization  had  brought  forth 
authors  competent  to  record  the  remarkable  events 
which  attended  it  with  accuracy  and  judgment! 
The  fall  of  the  Eastern  Empire  not  only  shifted 
the  current  of  the  commerce  and  enterprise  of  the 
world  from  the  course  in  which  it  had  flowed  for 
ages,  but  it  was  the  means  of  bringing  to  the  light 
of  day  valuable  stores  of  learning  and  wisdom. 
The  literature  of  the  ancient  world  had  to  a  great 
extent  been  concealed,  though  preserved,  by  recluse 
Byzantine  scholars,  whom  the  Moslem  conquest 
forced  from  their  retirement,  and  drove  out  as  wan¬ 
derers  over  the  face  of  Europe. 

On  the  capture  of  Constantinople  they  fled  to 
Italy,  bearing  with  them  their  precious  parchment 
scrolls  of  ancient  lore,  like  the  old  prophets  when 
they  fled  from  the  falling  temples  of  Judah.  Re¬ 
ceived  by  the  princes  and  republics  of  the  penin¬ 
sula  with  enthusiasm,  these  exiled  scholars  repaid 
their  hospitality  by  the  instruction  of  youth  and 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


49 


the  dissemination  of  the  valuable  works  which  chapter 
they  had  brought  with  them  from  the  East.  - - - 

The  recent  invention  of  the  printing-press  was  invention 
brought  into  full  play,  and  copies  of  rare  maim-  printing, 
scripts  were  multiplied  a  thousand-fold.  The 
value  of  many  of  these  may  be  estimated,  when  it 
is  considered  that  they  were  the  only  known  copies, 
existing  in  the  world,  of  the  works  of  some  of  the 
ancient  classics  and  philosophers.  Men  of  letters 
perceived  immediately  how  much  might  have  been 
lost  to  themselves,  and  lamenting  their  own  wants, 
turned  their  eyes  to  posterity,  and  chronicled  the 
times  in  which  they  lived,  for  the  benefit  of  their 
children. 

* 

This  spirit  spread  rapidly,  and  infected  not  only 
those  who  had  been,  from  their  professional  pur¬ 
suits,  accustomed  to  wield  the  pen,  but  the  actors 
themselves  in  the  important  scenes  of  the  new 
drama  which  was  in  progress,  applied  themselves 
to  the  task  of  perpetuating  their  doings  for  the 
benefit  of  succeeding  ages.  The  writers  whose 
works  bear  most  immediate  reference  to  the  dis¬ 
covery,  and  are  of  the  greatest  value  in  furnishing 
correct  statements,  are  of  the  latter  class. 

The  son  of  Columbus,  the  venerable  Bishop 
Las  Casas,  Bernal,  the  Curate  of  Los  Palacios, 

Oviedo,  and  ^mericus  Vespucius,  are  entitled  to 
the  gratitude  of  the  world  on  this  account.  These 
cotemporaries  were  followed  by  another  class  of 
authors,  whose  writings,  dating  from  the  sixteenth 
century,  are  scarcely  of  less  importance.  They 

7 


50 

CHAPTER 

I. 


Fernando 

Columbus. 


Bartholo- 
meo  de  Las 
Casas. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

were  enabled  to  collect  and  examine  the  accounts 
of  their  predecessors,  to  compare  and  revise  them, 
to  fill  up  the  gaps  which  were  unavoidably  left, 
and  supply  from  authentic  documents  any  inad¬ 
vertent  omissions.  Among  these  Gomara  and  Her¬ 
rera  are  the  most  prominent.  The  lives  of  all  of 
these  writers  are  full  of  interest,  but  only  a  trifling 
sketch  of  them  can  be  given  in  this  work. 

Fernando  Columbus  was  the  natural  son  of  the 
great  admiral,  and  was  born  about  1487.  Though 
still  a  boy,  he  accompanied  his  father  on  his  fourth 
expedition,  anti  received  great  praise  from  him,  for 
the  fortitude  with  which  he  bore  its  hardships  and 
privations.  His  most  important  wo^k  is  his  his¬ 
tory  of  his  father’s  life,  which  is  really  invaluable 
to  the  American  antiquarian.  He  was  the  author 
of  other  works,  however,  which  might  have  been 
of  equal  importance,  had  they  been  preserved  to 
modern  times.  Devoted  to  literature,  he  made  a 
collection  of  nearly  twenty  thousand  books  and 
manuscripts  of  great  value,  which,  at  his  death,  he 
bequeathed  to  the  cathedral  church  of  Seville, 
where  he  died  on  12th  July,  1559.  Notwithstand¬ 
ing  his  relationship,  he  writes  of  his  father  with 
great  fairness  and  clearness;  and  from  the  facili¬ 
ties  which  he  enjoyed  of  examining  his  charts  and 
papers,  is  entitled  to  the  highest  credit. 

Bartholomeo  de  Las  Casas  was  born  at  Seville, 
in  the  year  1474,  and  went  to  America  soon  after 
its  discovery.  He  was  subsequently  made  a  bish¬ 
op  in  the  newly-found  diocese,  and  devoted  a  long 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


51 


life  to  the  service  of  the  Indians,  who  were  cruelly 
oppressed  and  enslaved  by  their  Spanish  conquerors. 
He  was  the  author  of  several  works  on  the  Indies, 
of  which  his  “  General  History/7  from  the  period  of 
their  discovery  to  the  year  1520,  is  the  most  im¬ 
portant.  Las  Casas  has  been  accused  of  counsel¬ 
ling  the  Spaniards  to  import  slaves  from  Africa, 
rather  than  use  the  Indians  in  this  way,  and  thus 
to  have  been  the  originator  of  the  slave  traffic ;  but 
the  assertion  has  in  later  times  been  contradicted 
and  disproved.  Las  Casas  returned  to  Spain  in 
1564,  and  died  at  Madrid  in  1566. 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo  was  born  in 
Madrid,  in  the  year  1478.  He  was  descended  from 
a  noble  family,  and  went,  in  1513,  to  the  New 
World,  to  superintend  the  gold  mines.  His  works 
are  very  voluminous,  for  he  was  a  most  industrious 
writer  and  compiler.  Among  other  things,  he 
wrote  a  Chronicle  of  the  Indies,  in  fifty  books. 
An  eyewitness  of  most  of  what  he  describes,  his 
works  contain  a  great  many  valuable  and  curious 
particulars  concerning  the  New  World,  and  the 
manners  and  habits  of  the  natives.  He  held,  at 
his  death,  the  appointment  of  Historiographer  of 
the  Indies,  conferred  upon  him  by  Charles  V. 

Andrez  Bernal,  who  is  generally  called  The 
Curate  of  Los  Palacios,  was  a  warm  supporter  of 
Columbus,  and  wrote  a  history  of  the  reign  of  Fer¬ 
dinand  and  Isabella,  into  which  he  introduced  a 
narrative  of  his  voyages.  No  work  of  his  was  ever 
published,  but  it  still  exists  in  manuscript,  and  is 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Gonzalo 
Fernandez 
de  Oviedo. 


Andrez 

Bernal. 


52 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Antonio 

Herrera. 


often  quoted  by  historians.  He  was  a  believer  in  the 
tales  of  Mandeville,  and  frequently  quotes  him  with 
much  approbation.  His  visionary  ideas  of  a  terres¬ 
trial  paradise,  which  affected  materially  the  imagina¬ 
tion  of  Columbus  also,  were  derived  from  this  author. 

Antonio  Herrera  de  Tordesillas  was  born  in  the 
year  1565,  and  died  in  1625.  He  was  appointed 
by  Philip  II.  to  the  post  of  Historiographer  of  the 
Indies,  and  wrote  many  books,  the  most  celebrated 
of  which  is  his  General  History  of  the  American 
Colonies.  From  his  position  in  Spain,  he  ought  to 
have  been  much  more  accurate  in  his  accounts, 
than  he  actually  was.  All  the  royal  archives  were 
thrown  open  to  him ;  yet,  though  he  availed  him¬ 
self  freely  of  them,  he  frequently  was  guilty  of  sup¬ 
pressing  facts  and  altering  circumstances,  which 
tended  to  injure  the  character  of  his  countrymen. 
Still  he  was  an  industrious  writer,  and  his  work 
contains  a  great  deal  of  information  not  to  be  found 
in  other  quarters,  although  much  of  it  is,  in  a  mea¬ 
sure,  liable  to  be  received  with  suspicion,  on  ac¬ 
count  of  his  prejudices  and  partiality.  A  large 
part  of  his  work  is  little  more  than  a  transcript 
from  the  manuscripts  of  Las  Casas,  who  deserves 
much  more  credit  as  a  faithful  historian.  In  a 
subsequent  part  of  this  work,  this  author’s  attempt 
to  injure  the  reputation  of  Vespucius  will  be  the 
subject  of  remark.1 

1  The  above  sketches  of  cotem-  bus,  though  in  our  estimate  of 
porary  authors  have  been  abridged  Herrera,  it  is  our  misfortune  to 
from  the  accounts  given  of  them  differ  materially  from  him. 
by  the  author  of  the  life  of  Colum- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


53 


Francisco  Lopez  de  Go i mini  was  bom  at  Seville, 
in  1510,  and  for  many  years  filled  the  chair  of  the 
Professorship  of  Rhetoric  at  Alcala.  He  was  well 
versed  in  ancient  and  modern  history,  and  particu¬ 
larly  in  that  of  his  own  country.  His  style  is  more 
polished  and  pure  than  that  of  any  historian  of  the 
time.  His  most  important  work — A  General  His¬ 
tory  of  the  Indies — was  published  in  1558,  and 
contains  many  valuable  facts. 

Peter  Martyr  is  another  cotemporary  writer,  who 
must  not  be  forgotten.  He  was  bom  in  Milan,  in 
1455 ;  was  educated  at  Rome,  where  he  early  ac¬ 
quired  a  distinguished  reputation  for  learning,  and 
was  invited  by  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  the 
Papal  See  to  proceed  to  Spain.  He  wrote  an  ac¬ 
count  of  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  in  Ten 
Decades,  originally  in  Latin ;  but  the  most  interest¬ 
ing  of  his  works  are  his  letters,  which  he  addressed 
daily  to  distinguished  persons,  giving  statements  of 
the  events  which  were  taking  place  around  him. 
A  collection  of  these  epistles  was  published  in 
1530.  He  died  at  Valladolid,  in  1526. 

It  appeared  desirable,  before  commencing  the 
narration  of  the  life  of  one  of  the  prominent  navi¬ 
gators  of  the  age,  to  give  the  foregoing  general  view 
of  matters  which  bear  immediate  reference  to  the 
discovery  of  the  New  World.  This,  though  very 
imperfectly  accomplished,  will  serve  to  prepare  the 
reader  for  the  occurrences  which  follow  in  the  life 
of  the  distinguished  man,  whose  name  and  fame  are 
so  intimately  linked  with  that  great  event. 


CHAPTER 

I. 


Francisco 
Lopez  de 
Gomara. 


Peter 

Martyr. 


CHAPTER  II. 


CHAPTER 

II. 


Birth  of 
Americus 
Vespucius, 
1451. 


Birth  of  Vespucius,  1451. — His  Parents. — Anastasio  Vespucci  and 
Elizabetta  Mini. — Origin  of  the  Vespucci  Family. — Peretola.  Ex  ¬ 
tract  from  Ugolino  Verini. — Estates  of  the  House.  Old  1  amily 
Mansion. — Inscription  over  its  Door. — Simone  Vespucci.  His  great 
Wealth.— Offices  of  State  of  Florence  held  by  the  Vespucci  — 
Guido  Antonio  di  Giovanni  Vespucci.— Immediate  Relatives  of 
Americus. — Antiquity  of  Family. — Destiny  of  Americus.  Com¬ 
merce  and  Italian  Bankers. 


Amerigo  Vespucci,  or,  as  he  will  be  designated 
in  this  work  by  his  Latin  name,  Americus  Vespu- 
eius,  was  the  third  son  of  Anastasio  Vespucci  and 
Elizabetta  Mini,  and  was  born  in  Florence,  on  the 
ninth  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1451.  At  the  time  ol 
his  birth,  his  family  was  in  moderate  circumstances 
in  respect  of  wealth ;  but  they  traced  their  descent 
through  a  long  line  of  noble  progenitors,  and  took  a 
hio-h  rank  among  the  aristocratic  families  of  the 
Republic.  His  earliest  biographer,  Bandini,  devotes 
a  number  of  pages  of  his  work  to  an  account  of  the 
illustrious  members  of  the  Vespucci  family  who 
preceded  Americus,  and  as  every  thing  connected 
with  him  becomes  a  matter  of  interest,  some  parts 
of  this  genealogical  narrative  are  extracted,  divested 
as  much  as  possible  of  unnecessary  detail.1 


1  Bandini,  Vita  e  Lettere,  chap.  i.  p.  1 — 24 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


55 


The  family  originated  in  the  town  of  Peretola,  chapter 

distant  only  a  few  miles  from  Florence,  where  they - - — 

possessed  considerable  estates,  and  were  celebrated  the  family 
for  their  hospitality,  and  the  patronage  they  be-  Vespucci, 
stowed  upon  men  of  letters.  Ugolino  Verini  com¬ 
memorates  them  in  a  Latin  poem,  and  says, 

% 

Venit  et  ex  isto  soboles  Yespuccia  vico 
Egregiis  ornata  viris,  nec  inhospita  musis.1 

About  the  commencement  of  the  thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury  the  Vespucci  family  removed  to  Florence.  It 
was  then  the  custom  for  the  noble  families  of  the 
Republic,  to  establish  their  residences  near  the 
gates  of  the  city,  which  led  to  their  country 
estates. 

There  was  more  of  the  leayen  of  democracy  in 
the  Florentine  constitution  than  in  that  of  any  other 
of  the  Italian  republics,  and  as  the  nobles  never 
gave  up  their  power  till  they  were  finally  crushed 
by  the  people,  the  state  was,  in  consequence,  more 
liable  to  sudden  convulsions  and  outbreaks.  It 
was  almost  a  matter  of  necessity  for  the  prominent 
families  to  provide  for  themselves  some  easy  way 
of  escape  from  these  turmoils,  and  they  conse¬ 
quently  adopted  the  course,  of  living  as  close  as 
possible  to  that  outlet  of  the  city  which  was  near¬ 
est  to  their  strongholds  in  the  country,  where  they 
could  at  least  find  temporary  security. 

J  The  Ves- 

The  house  of  the  Vespucci  stood  in  the  quarter  pucci  family 

x  x  mansion. 


1  Bandini,  Vita  e  Lettere,  chap.  i.  p.  3. 


56 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

II. 


) 


of  S.  Lucia  cli  Ogni  Santi,  adjacent  to  the  Porta 
della  Cana,  which,  at  the  present  day,  is  known  as 
the  Porta  del  Prato.  In  the  street  called  Borgon- 
gnisanti,  of  modem  Florence,  may  now  be  seen,  by 
any  traveller  whose  curiosity  leads  him  to  the  spot, 
a  large  edifice,  occupied  as  a  hospital  for  the  sick 
poor,  under  the  direction  of  the  monks  of  San  Gio¬ 
vanni  di  Dio,  which,  for  centuries  before  the  dis¬ 
covery  of  America,  was  the  dwelling-place  of  the 
ancestors  of  Americus  Vespucius,  and  his  own 
birthplace.  Over  the  doorway  of  this  mansion,  a 
worthy  abbot,  by  name  Antonio  Salvini,  caused  a 
marble  tablet  to  be  placed,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
18th  century,  which  is  still  in  existence,  and  on 
which  the  following  inscription  appears : 

AMERICO  VESPVCCIO  PATRICIO  FLORENTINO 
OB  REPERTAM  AMERICAM 
SVI  ET  PATIJE  NOMINIS  ILLYSTRATORI 
AMPLIFICATORI .  ORBIS.  TERARVM. 

IN  HAC  OLIM  VESPVCCIA  DOMO 
A  TANTO  VIRO  HABITATA 
PATRES  SANCTI  IOANNES  DE  DEO  CYLTORES 
GRATA:  MEMORISE  CAVSSA. 

MDCCXIX.1 

The  family  were  possessed  of  many  houses  in  this 
same  quarter  of  the  city,  if  the  number  of  doors 

To  Americus  V  espucius,  a  noble  Florentine, 

Who,  by  the  discovery  of  America, 

Rendered  his  own  and  his  country’s  name  illustrious, 

The  Amplifier  of  the  World, 

Upon  this  ancient  mansion  of  the  Vespucci, 

Inhabited  by  so  great  a  man, 

The  Holy  Fathers  of  St.  John  of  God, 

Have  erected  this  Tablet,  sacred  to  his  memory, 

A.D.  1719. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


57 


over  which  their  coat-of-arms  appeared  is  any  evi¬ 
dence.  Their  wealth  was  acquired  chiefly  by  an 
ancestor,  Simone  di  Pero  Vespucci,  who  left  a  me¬ 
morial  of  his  liberality  to  the  church,  as  well  as  of 
his  riches.  He  embarked  largely  in  mercantile 
operations,  and  devoted  no  inconsiderable  portion 
of  his  gains  to  the  erection  of  hospitals  for  suffering 


“  This  morning  the  young  Cav- 

O  J  O 

aliere  Amerigo  Vespucci  called  to 
go  with  me  to  the  house  in  which 
his  illustrious  ancestor  was  horn. 
It  is  a  stately  and  massive  build¬ 
ing,  and  in  any  other  land  than  this, 
might  have  been  the  palace  of  a 
prince,  but  there  is  nothing  to  dis¬ 
tinguish  it  in  its  architecture  from 
an  hundred  other  houses  of  the 
old  nobility  of  the  Florence  of  the 
Medici.  Over  the  entrance  a  huge 
marble  scroll  is  placed,  on  which 
the  following  inscription  is  cut, 
offering  only  a  jitst  tribute  to  so 
great  a  name. 

******* 

“  I  always  feel  almost  as  great  a 
desire  to  visit  the  precise  house 
where  an  illustrious  man  was  born, 
or  the  place  where  he  ended  his 
days,  as  I  do  even  to  read  his  his¬ 
tory.  So  many  associations  of 
deep  interest  are  connected  with 
all  that  one  sees  in  such  spots. 
When  we  stood  in  the  frescoed 
hall  of  the  mansion,  or  wandered 
through  the  different  apartments, 
it  seemed,  as  Monti  beautifully 
says,  like  “  walking  through  the 
frescoed  gallery  of  time,”  and  I 
could  almost  see  the  family  of  the 
navigator  collected  under  their 
«wn  roof.  We  talked  in  the 


chamber  where  Vespucius  was 
born,  of  his  early  days,  and  of  the 
little  that  was  accurately  known 
of  them ;  and  in  the  saloon,  of  the 
wealthy  and  enterprising  nobles 
who  used  to  congregate  there. 
When  we  turned  to  go  away,  with 
my  mind  occupied  with  other 
thoughts,  I  forgot,  until  too  late, 
the  usual  ceremony  of  giving  a 
small  douceur  to  the  porter,  for 
his  trouble  in  showing  us  the  house 
— and  only  remembered  it  when 
he  slammed  the  great  door  vio¬ 
lently  behind  us,  before  we  had 
left  the  steps.  For  an  instant  the 
blood  suffused  the  cheek  of  the 
young  cavalier,  and  a  half-sup¬ 
pressed  look  of  indignation  told 
his  feelings,  though  he  said  not  a 
word.  The  time  had  been,  when 
the  porter  who  guarded  that  pon¬ 
derous  door  bowed  low  as  any  one 
passed  in  whose  veins  flowed  the 
blood  of  the  Vespucci,  but  now. 
the  only  living  descendant  of  that 
proud  race,  was  like  any  other 
stranger  in  the  halls  of  his  fathers. 
There  was  food  enough  for  reflec¬ 
tion  in  the  change  which  time  pro¬ 
duces,  and  we  walked  on  in  silence 
together.”  —  MSS.  Note  Book, 
Florence ,  \bth  March ,  1845. 


CHAPTER 

It. 


8 


58 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

II. 


Florentine 
offices  held 
by  the  Ves¬ 
pucci. 


poor.  Jointly  with  his  wife  he  built  a  magnificent 
chapel  in  the  church  of  Ogni  Santi,  in  the  centre 
of  which,  his  tomb  is  placed.1 

The  citizens  of  Florence  availed  themselves  very 
frequently  of  the  services  of  the  members  of  the 
Vespucci  race,  and  continually,  for  a  long  series  of 
years,  elevated  them  to  offices  of  great  distinction. 
Three  of  the  name  were,  at  different  times,  Gon- 
faloniere  di  Justiria,  which  was  the  highest  office 
in  the  state.  No  less  than  twenty-five  of  the  family 
became  Priori,  and  numerous  others  are  inscribed 
upon  the  records  of  the  Republic,  as  the  occupants 
of  posts  of  distinction.  In  the  year  1336,  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  the  Republic,  in  those  days  one  of 
considerable  importance,  was  filled  by  Amerigo  di 
Stagio  Vespucci,  which  is  the  first  instance  on 
record,  where  the  pre-name  which  descended  to  the 
navigator  is  found. 

The  immediate  relations  of  Americus,  living  in 
his  own  day,  were  numerous,  and  although  the 


1  This  sepulchre  still  exists,  and  on  the  tomb  is  the  following  in¬ 
scription  in  Gothic  characters  : 

Sepulcrum  Siinonis  Petri  De  Vespuccis 
Mercatoris  ac  Filiorum  et  descendentium, 

Et  uxoris,  quse  Fieri  ac  Pingi  fecit 
Totam  istam  capellam  pro  anima  sua, 

Anno  MCCCLXXXIII. 

The  tomb  of  Simone  Piero  Vespucci, 

A  merchant — and  of  his  children  and  descendants, 

And  of  his  wife,  who  caused  this  Chapel  to  be  erected 
And  decorated,  for  the  salvation  of  her  soul. 

A.  D.  1383. 

Bandini,  Vita ,  &c.,  cli.  i.  p.  12 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


59 


wealth  of  the  family  had  in  a  great  measure  disap¬ 
peared,  still  maintained  the  respectability  of  their 
house.  His  father  was  the  Secretary  of  the  Signo¬ 
ri,  the  Senate  of  the  Republic.  His  uncle  Juliano 
was  ambassador  to  Genoa,  and  subsequently  Gov¬ 
ernor  of  Pistoia.  Nor  was  Americus  the  only 
navigator  of  the  family.  His  cousin  Piero  com¬ 
manded  the  Florentine  fleet  of  galleys,  destined  for 
an  attack  upon  the  Corsairs  of  Barbary,  and  was 
afterwards  sent  Ambassador  to  the  King  of  Naples, 
by  whom  he  was  highly  honoured,  and  returned  to 
his  own  country,  covered  with  dignities  conferred 
by  that  monarch. 

In  his  time,  also,  appeared  Guido  Antonio  di 
Giovanni,  who  was  distinguished  in  letters,  and  for 
his  profound  knowledge  of  law.  He  established  a 
court  of  purely  mercantile  jurisdiction  in  Florence, 
and  served  his  country  on  many  important  em¬ 
bassies.1 

1  Andrea  D’azzi,  a  celebrated  epitapli  upon  this  Antonio  Yes- 
literary  character  of  the  15th  cen-  pucci  : — 
tury,  wrote  the  following  quaint 

Interpres  gravis  utriusque  juris, 

Qui  se  mellifluse  fluore  linguae 
Non  vespae  ast  apium  genus  probavit, 

Guido  Antonius  hoc  jacet  sepulchro. 

Is,  quem  vivere  oportuit  perenne, 

Vel  nunquam  superum  videre  lumen. 

A  sound  interpreter  of  the  law, 

Who  by  the  flow  of  his  mellifluous  language 
Proved  himself  more  of  the  genus  of  the  bee  than  of  the  wasp, 
Guido  Antonio,  lies  in  this  sepulchre. — 

He,  who  should  have  lived  forever, 

Or  else  never  have  seen  the  light. 

Bandini,  ch.  i.  p.  1C. 


CHAPTER 

II. 


Guido  Am 
tonio  Ves¬ 
pucci. 


60 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

ir. 


Prevailing 
Custom  of 
Florentine 
families. 


These  family  details,  to  which  much  might  be 
added,  did  space  permit,  are  in  themselves  of  trifling 
importance,  except  in  so  far  as  they  show  what 
must  have  been  the  natural  earlv  associations  of 
Americus  in  his  youth.  Fernando  Columbus,  in 
his  life  of  the  Admiral,  whose  origin  he  leaves  in 
obscurity,  w^ell  remarks,  that  he  thinks  it  better  to 
content  himself  with  dating  his  descent  from  the 
glory  of  his  father,  than  to  waste  time  in  researches 
to  prove  that  his  father  w  as  noble  by  birth.  An¬ 
tiquity  of  blood  is,  in  truth,  a  paltry  score  on  which 
to  exalt  oneself ;  yet,  differing  from  Fernando,  many 
places  contended,  after  his  death,  for  the  honour  of 
being  the  birthplace  of  Columbus,  and  many  efforts 
were  made  to  attach  his  name  to  a  lordly  line ;  but 
where,  as  in  the  case  of  the  family  of  Vespucius, 
those  best  ornaments  of  a  genealogy,  personal  merit 
and  distinguished  virtue  and  talent,  appear,  it  be¬ 
comes  tiie  biographer  not  to  pass  them  over  in 
silence. 

A  custom  had  long  prevailed  among  the  noble 
families  of  Florence  to  select  one  of  the  younger 
members  of  each,  and  devote  him  to  mercantile 
pursuits.  It  was  not  then  considered  as  deroga¬ 
tory  to  the  loftiest  and  purest  blood  among  them, 
to  engage  in  honourable  traffic.  A  nation  of 
merchants,  and  ruled  by  a  family  who  were  in¬ 
debted  for  their  rank  and  celebrity  mainly  to  their 
successful  business  operations,  they  appreciated  the 
position  which  an  intelligent  merchant  occupies, 
and  were  not  restrained  from  embarking  in  com- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


61 


meree  by  any  ridiculous  pride  of  birth.  Florentine 
bankers  and  capitalists  had  more  than  once,  before 
the  time  of  Americus,  made  their  influence  felt  with 
powerful  effect  in  the  affairs  of  nations ;  and  pros¬ 
perity  in  business  brought  not  only  wealth,  but 
high  consideration  in  the  state,  in  its  train.  Ameri¬ 
cus  was  accordingly  chosen  by  his  father,  almost 
from  his  birth,  to  advance  the  fortunes  of  his  family 
by  commerce,  and  high  hopes  were  entertained  of 
his  success.  It  was  not  within  the  power  of  hu¬ 
man  wisdom  to  foresee,  that  his  after  life  would  con¬ 
tribute  more  to  prejudice  the  mercantile  interests 
of  his  native  city,  than  to  his  own  benefit,  or  that 
of  his  relatives. 


CHAPTER 

II. 


CHAPTER 

in. 


CHAPTER  III. 


The  Youth  of  Great  Men. — Lack  of  Detail  in  this  Respect. — Early 
Education  of  Americus. — Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci. — His  Uncle. — 
Brilliant  Expectations  of  his  Family. — Studies  in  Astronomy  and 
Cosmography. — Friendship  for  Piero  Soderini. — Tomaso  Soderini. — 
The  Plague  in  Florence,  1478. — Dissolution  of  the  School  of  the 
Friar  Vespucci. — Early  Letters  of  Americus. — Lorenzo  de  Medici. 
— His  Brilliant  Administration. — Paolo  Toscanelli,  the  Learned 
Florentine  Physician. — Religious  Education  of  Americus. — Letter 
of  Americus  to  his  F ather. 

The  saying  has  been  attributed  to  Bacon,  that 
the  youth  of  a  great  man  often  furnishes  data  of 
more  importance  than  any  other  portion  of  his  life, 
in  guiding  posterity  to  a  just  estimate  of  his  charac¬ 
ter.  The  traveller  who  looks  off  from  the  hills 
where  a  river  rises,  can  easily  determine  the  direc¬ 
tion  it  must  take  as  it  pursues  its  course.  Some¬ 
times  its  passage  is  obstructed  by  a  mountain,  around 
whose  base  the  stream  must  How,  and  sometimes 
a  winding  valley  leads  it  away  from  its  nearest  track 
to  the  sea.  In  like  manner,  circumstances  over 
which  a  man  can  have  little  or  no  control  determine 
the  course  of  his  life.  His  parentage,  his  country 
and  its  institutions  ;  the  times  in  which  he  is  born, 
and  the  character  of  those  by  whom  he  is  in  early 
life  surrounded,  decide  in  a  great  measure  his  future 
history.  The  first  acquisition,  therefore,  of  the  biog- 


LIFE  AND  VO  FADES 


OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


63 


rapher  should  be,  an  enlightened  and  philosophical  chapter 

understanding  of  those  events  which  have  influ - — — 

enced  the  life  or  coloured  the  history  of  his  hero. 

It  is  true  that  the  youth  of  many  of  the  most  dis¬ 
tinguished  of  mankind  is  veiled  in  obscurity,  but 
all  the  historian  needs,  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  their 
character,  is  generally  preserved  in  the  few  facts 
that  escape  oblivion.  It  would  be  easy  to  supply 
this  deficiency  in  the  case  of  Americus,  for  there 
are  not  wanting  ingenious  accounts  of  the  history 
of  his  early  days,  in  antiquated  Italian  books  and 
manuscripts,  and  equally  incredible  stories  are  still 
told  by  his  countrymen. 

But,  not  to  follow  the  uncertain  gleamings  of 
traditionary  light,  and  believing  that  the  materials 
in  hand  may  be  made  serviceable  to  the  scholar 
and  inquirer  of  the  present  and  future  times,  an 
attempt  will  be  made  to  give  a  clear  and  impartial 
account  of  all  which  has  been  gathered  that  is  au¬ 
thentic  and  interesting  in  the  Life  and  Voyages  of 
Americus. 

All  the  advantages  derived  by  Americus  from  his  GeorgioAn- 
patrician  descent,  were  trifling  in  comparison  with  puCci. 
the  education  which  his  connexion  with  an  eminent 
teacher  of  that  day  procured  for  him.  His  paternal 
uncle,  Georgio  Antonio  Vespucci,  had  been  from  his 
youth  distinguished  as  a  scholar.  Devoted  in  early 
life  to  the  church,  he  became  a  monk  of  the  order  of 
San  Marco,  and  won  much  reputation  both  for  learning 
and  piety.  About  a  year  before  the  birth  of  Amer¬ 
icus,  he  opened  a  school  in  his  convent  for  the  sons 


64 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

III. 


End  kept  ir 
view  in  his 
education. 


of  the  principal  nobles  of  Florence ;  and  there,  as 
soon  as  his  years  permitted,  in  company  with  many 
youthful  Florentines,  Americas  daily  repaired,  to 
ponder  over  the  mysteries  of  grammar  and  mathe¬ 
matics. 

In  his  education,  it  may  reasonably  be  supposed 
that  the  worthy  friar  was  not  unmindful  of  the 
claims  of  consanguinity,  and  that  he  paid  particular 
attention  to  the  progress  of  one,  who,  in  the  imagi¬ 
nation  of  his  parents,  was  destined  to  restore,  by 
iiis  success  in  commercial  affairs,  the  decaying  for¬ 
tunes  of  his  family.  While  this  end  was  kept  stu¬ 
diously  in  view,  and  his  young  mind  continually  ex¬ 
ercised  by  application  to  the  more  abstruse  sciences 
of  astronomy  and  cosmography,  no  small  portion 
of  his  attention  was  directed  to  the  acquisition  of 
classical  lore,  and  he  left  the  hands  of  his  uncle,  an 
accomplished  scholar,  in  an  age  when  it  was  difficult 
to  find  many  such  out  of  the  cloister  or  the  university. 

That  such  was  the  case,  the  subsequent  life  of 
Americus  sufficiently  proves  ;  while,  at  the  same 
time,  it  affords  another  demonstration  of  the  fallacy 
of  human  expectations.  Little  dreamed  the  worthy 
friar,  Georgio  Antonio,  that  the  rudiments  he  daily 
instilled  into  the  mind  of  his  pupil  would  be  of 
small  avail  in  the  acquisition  of  worldly  goods,  and 
still  less  thought  he,  that,  when  disgusted  with  the 
vicissitudes  of  commerce,  those  same  instructions 
would  open  to  his  nephew  a  new  path  to  honour,  if 
not  to  fortune.1 


1  Bandini,  Vita,  &c.,  p.  19. 


In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1497,  on  the  tenth  of  May;  we  left  the  port  of  Cadiz  with  four  ships  in  company.  (See  page  116) 


DEPARTURE  FROM  CADIZ. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


/'  w 

VO 


At  this  period  Americus  contracted  a  friendship  chapter 
with  Piero  Soderini,  a  noble  youth,  of  his  own  age,  — — — 
who  was  also  a  pupil  of  the  friar,  which' continued,  withnpS 
with  unchanging  constancy,  through  his  lifetime, 
and  was  the  source  of  much  gratification  and  pride 
to  the  future  navigtor.  Soderini  afterwards  became 
the  Gonfaloniere  of  Florence ;  and  to  him,  in  all  the 
confidence  of  early  friendship,  are  addressed  those 
letters  which  will  appear  in  another  part  of  this 
work,  and  which  give  the  most  interesting  account 
of  the  subsequent  voyages  of  Americus. 

Piero  was  the  son  of  the  celebrated  Tomaso  So¬ 
derini,  who,  at  the  death  of  Pietro  de  Medici  in  1469, 
was  at  the  head  of  the  most  powerful  family  in 
Florence.  He  was  treated  with  the  greatest  rever¬ 
ence,  as  the  leader  of  the  commonwealth,  both  by 
foreign  princes  and  citizens ;  but  modestly  and  with 
patriotism  declining  the  honours  they  would  have 
bestowed  upon  him,  protected  the  fortunes  of  the 
young  princes  Lorenzo  and  Juliano,  the  first  of 
whom  afterwards  became  so  celebrated,  and  who 
always,  in  his  youth,  adhered  closely  to  the  counsels 
of  his  protector.1 

The  studies  of  Americus  were  suddenly  inter-  The  plague 

J  in  1478. 

rupted  by  the  appearance  of  the  plague  in  Florence, 
in  the  year  1478.  This  terrible  visitor  always 
brought  in  its  train  general  consternation  and  con¬ 
fusion.  The  utter  want  of  precaution  and  pre¬ 
ventive  sanatory  regulations,  which  can  scarcely  be 
said  to  have  existed  at  all  in  that  age,  rendered  it 

1  Bandini,  Vita,  &c.,  p.  25. 

9 


66 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

III. 


Tempta¬ 
tions  of 
Florence  in 
1480. 


peculiarly  violent,  and  almost  uncontrollable.  All 
business  and  pleasure  were  alike  suspended ;  the 
ties  of  relationship  and  affection  were  in  most  cases 
forgotten,  and  the  universal  feeling  was  selfish  re¬ 
gard  for  personal  safety.  Even  the  quiet  institu¬ 
tions  of  learning  felt  its  malignant  influence,  and 
those  who  were  most  secluded  from  social  inter¬ 
course  dreaded  and  fled  from  its  attacks.1 

The  school  of  the  Friar  Vespucci  was  at  once 
broken  up,  and  his  pupils  scattered  in  various  di¬ 
rections.  Americus  was  taken  by  his  parents  into 
the  country,  to  await  the  disappearance  of  the  pes¬ 
tilence,  and  there  for  the  first  time,  as  far  as  any 
evidence  exists,  employed  his  pen.  Some  letters 
which  are  still  preserved,  written  while  in  this 
temporary  seclusion,  give  strong  proof  of  a  mind 
earnest  for  instruction ;  and  though  showing  a 
gravity  of  thought  hardly  consistent  with  his  years, 
are  full  of  enthusiastic  impulse  and  love  of  adven¬ 
ture.  Although  tempered  throughout  by  filial  re¬ 
spect  and  affection,  they  foreshadow  the  subsequent 
career  of  the  man,  and  are  replete  with  the  sinceri¬ 
ty  and  modesty  which  characterized  his  later  pro¬ 
ductions. 

The  contagion  had  barely  subsided,  when  Ameri¬ 
cus  resumed  his  studies  with  renewed  ardour. 
This  is  the  more  remarkable,  when  the  temptations 
which  surrounded  the  noble  youth  of  that  day  are 


1  Bandini,  Vita,  &c.,  p.  28.  See  this,  and  gives  a  thrilling  descrip- 
also  Machiavelli’s  account  of  the  tion  of  its  horrors. — Opere  de  Nic- 
plague  in  1528,  which  speaks  of  colo  Machiavelli ,  tom.  viii.  p.  53. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


67 


considered.  Lorenzo,  the  Magnificent,  in  the  flush  chapter 

of  youth  and  power,  rendered  the  city  of  Florence _ — 

and  his  own  court  the  centre  of  attraction  to  all  the 
gay  nobility  of  Italy  and  Europe.  Festivals  of 
unequalled  splendour  drew  an  immense  concourse 
of  strangers  to  his  capital,  and  the  city  was  wild 
with  dissipation  and  extravagance. 

In  the  midst  of  all,  and  exposed  to  most  of  these 
allurements,  Americus  diligently  occupied  himself 
with  the  pursuits  of  learning.  He  gave  particular 
devotion  to  the  study  of  geometry  and  cosmography, 
and  frequently  surprised  the  sagest  professors  of 
those  sciences  by  the  acuteness  of  his  remarks  and 
conjectures. 

Among  the  cosmographers  of  the  times,  he  en-  Toscanem, 
countered  frequently  the  celebrated  Toscanelli,  who  ^nfpT^' 
is  mentioned  in  the  introductory  chapter,  and  de-  sidan* 
rived  from  him  many  of  the  views  respecting  the 
position  of  the  Indies,  which  that  philosopher  after¬ 
wards  communicated  to  Columbus  by  letter.* 

The  subsequent  celebrity  of  Americus  was  main¬ 
ly  owing  to  the  direction  of  his  labours  at  this  time, 
and  it  appeals  that  his  chief  ambition  was  to  excel 
as  a  geographer ;  so  that  when  he  quitted  the  mon- 
asteij  of  the  good  brother  of  St.  Mark,  he  was,  in 
all  probability,  better  fitted  to  astonish  the  world 
with  novel  theories,  than  to  acquire  the  fortune  for 
which  his  family  had  destined  him. 

Only  one  portion  of  his  uncle’s  instructions  re¬ 
mains  to  be  noticed.  He  cultivated  in  the  mind  of 

1  Bandini,  Vita,  p.  29. 


68 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

III. 


Letter  from 
Americus  to 
,  his  father. 


his  nephew  a  warm  and  profound  sense  of  depend- 
ance  upon  the  protection  of  God,  which  supported 
him  in  many  trials  and  sufferings  of  his  after  life, 
and  nerved  his  soul  to  the  accomplishment  of  heroic 
achievements,  which  have  been  reserved  by  Provi¬ 
dence  for  those  men  who  have  reposed  with  the 
highest  confidence  upon  its  arm.  The  reader  of 
his  letters  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the  ready 
reliance  upon  the  favour  of  Providence,  which 
many  of  his  actions  evinced,  and  his  often  recurring 
acknowledgment  of  thanks  for  protection  received. 

The  translation  of  a  short  letter  from  Americus 
to  his  father,  written  while  he  was  residing  at  the 
country  estate  of  the  family,  during  the  prevalence 
of  the  plague  in  Florence,  will  close  this  chapter. 
It  was  originally  written  in  Latin,  v 

To  the  Excellent  and  Honourable  Signor 
Anastasio  Vespucci . 

Honoured  Father — 

Do  not  wonder  that  I  have  not  written  to  you 
within  the  last  few  days,  I  thought  that  my  uncle 
would  have  satisfied  you  concerning  me.  In  his 
absence  I  scarcely  dare  to  address  you  in  the  Latin 
tongue,  blushing  even  at  my  deficiencies  in  my  own 
language ;  I  have,  besides,  been  industriously  occu¬ 
pied  of  late  in  studying  the  rules  of  Latin  compo¬ 
sition,  and  will  show  you  my  book  on  my  return. 
Whatever  else  I  have  accomplished,  and  how  1 
have  conducted  myself,  you  will  have  been  able  to 
learn  from  my  uncle,  whose  return  I  ardently  de- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


69 


sire,  that,  under  his  and  your  own  joint  directions,  I 
may  follow  with  greater  ease  both  my  studies  and 
your  kind  precepts.  Georgio  Antonio,  three  or 
four  days  ago,  gave  a  number  of  letters  to  you,  to 
a  good  priest,  Signor  Nerotto,  to  which  he  desires 
your  answer.  There  is  nothing  else  that  is  new  to 
relate,  unless  that  we  all  desire  much  to  return  to 
the  city.  The  day  of  our  return  is  not  yet  fixed, 
but  soon  will  be,  unless  the  pestilence  should  in¬ 
crease,  and  occasion  greater  alarm,  which  God 
avert. 

He,  Georgio  Antonio,  commends  to  your  con¬ 
sideration  a  poor  and  wretched  neighbour  of  his, 
whose  only  reliance  and  means  are  in  our  house, 
concerning  which,  he  addressed  you  in  full.  He 
asks  you,  therefore,  that  you  would  attend  to  his 
affairs,  so  that  they  may  suffer  as  little  as  possible 
in  his  absence. 

Farewell,  then,  honoured  father;  salute  all  the 
family  in  my  behalf,  and  commend  me  to  my 
mother  and  all  my  elder  relatives. 

Your  son,  with  due  obedience, 

Amerigo  Vespucci.1 
Trivio  Mugelli ,  Oct.  19,  1478. 


CHAPTER 

III. 


1  Bandini,  Vita,  p.  29. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


CHAPTER 

IV. 


High  price 
of  Maps  and 
and  Charts. 


Period  from  1480  to  1490. — Cosmography. — High  Value  of  Maps. — 
Gabriel  de  Velasca. — Mauro. — Causes  of  the  Departure  of  Americus 
from  Florence. — Girolamo  Vespucci. — His  Loss  of  Property. — Piero 
de*  Medici  commissions  Americus. — 'Spain.  —  Wars  against  the 
Moors. — Giovanni  Vespucci,  the  Nephew  of  Americus. — Account 
given  of  him  by  Peter  Martyr. — Letter  of  Americus  and  Donato 
Nicollini. — Juan  Berardi,  1492. — The  necessary  Reflections  of  Amer¬ 
icus. — An  Epoch  of  Enterprise  and  Improvement. 


Hi  story  throws  little  light  upon  that  period  of 
the  life  of  Americus  comprised  between  the  com¬ 
pletion  of  his  studies  and  his  departure  for  Spain, 
which  took  place  some  time  in  the  year  1490.  It  is 
probable  that  he  resided  in  Florence  during  the 
whole  of  this  time,  and  it  may  be,  that  he  was  en¬ 
gaged  in  commercial  pursuits  in  his  native  city, 
although  no  evidence  of  it  has  come  down  to  mod¬ 
ern  times.  Whether  such  was  the  case  or  not,  it  is 
well  known  that  he  continued  to  pursue  his  re¬ 
searches  in  cosmography.1 

He  was  very  curious  in  collecting  all  the  best 
maps,  charts,  and  globes,  of  the  time,  the  works  of  dis¬ 
tinguished  projectors.  The  value  of  these  maps  was 
most  extraordinary,  even  considering  that  their  scar¬ 
city  enhanced  their  price  ;  and  the  projectors  were 
so  highly  esteemed,  that  the  making  of  one  good 


1  Bandiui,  chap.  iii.  p.  33. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

map,  rendered  the  name  of  the  cosmographer  illus¬ 
trious.  The  Venetians  struck  a  medal  in  honour  of 

Mauro,  an  eminent  friar,  who  drew  a  map  which 

« 

was  considered  the  most  accurate  of  the  time,  and 
it  is  recorded  that  Americus  paid  the  high  price  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty  ducats,  which  is  equal  to 
live  hundred  and  fifty-five  Spanish  dollars  of  the 
present  day,  for  a  map  of  sea  and  land,  made  at 
Mallorea,  in  1439,  by  Gabriel  de  Velasca.1 

The  immediate  cause  of  his  departure  from  Italy 
appears  to  have  arisen  in  some  measure  from  the 
misfortunes  of  another  person,  although  there  is  lit¬ 
tle  doubt  he  had  contemplated  a  long  absence,  for 
many  previous  years.  His  elder  brother  Girolamo, 
following  the  bent  of  an  enterprising  spirit,  had  left 
Florence  about  the  year  1480,  to  seek  his  fortune 
in  foreign  climes,  and  had  established  himself  in 
business  in  one  of  the  Grecian  cities  of  Asia  Minor. 
For  some  time  he  was  extremely  prosperous  in  his 
negotiations,  and  by  degrees,  with  the  view  of  in¬ 
creasing  his  means  of  operation,  had  taken  the  con¬ 
trol  of  a  large  portion  of  the  family  property. 
Every  thing  went  on  fortunately  with  him,  until  one 
disastrous  day,  in  the  year  1489.  While  attending 
the  matin  service,  at  a  convent  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  his  residence,  his  house  was  broken  open  by 
thieves  ;  and,  as  he  writes  to  Americus,  he  was 
robbed  of  all  he  possessed,  including  the  property 

of  his  father,  and  the  accumulation  of  nine  vcars  of 
/  * 

incessant  toil  and  watchfulness. 


71 

CHAPTER 

IV. 


Misfortunes 
of  Girolamo 
Vespucci. 


1  Irving?s  Works,  Paris  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  613. 


72- 


life  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

IV. 


Americus  is 
commission¬ 
ed  by  Lo¬ 
renzo  dc’ 
Medici. 


This  severe  blow  greatly  cramped  the  resources 
of  the  whole  family  ;  and  on  the  receipt  of  his 
brother’s  letter,  dated  July  24th,  1489,  which  was 
forwarded  to  him  by  a  Florentine  pilgrim,  who  had 
been  to  Jerusalem  to  visit  the  holy  sepulchre,  and 
was  on  his  return  to  his  native  city,  Americus  at 
once  determined  to  attempt  to  retrieve,  in  some 
measure,  his  brother’s  losses  ;  and  for  that  purpose 
to  proceed  to  Spain,  where  fair  prospects  in  mer¬ 
cantile  life  were  opened  to  him.1 

At  this  time,  Lorenzo  de’  Medici,  cousin  of  Loren¬ 
zo  the  Magnificent,  who  had  some  matters  of  im¬ 
portance  to  attend  to  in  Barcelona,  commissioned 
Americus  as  his  agent ;  and  he  accordingly  set  sail 
from  Leghorn,  for  the  Spanish  city.  The  domin¬ 
ions  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  just  then  afforded  a 
fine  field  for  profit  in  merchandise.  The  splendid 
court  of  those  illustrious  sovereigns,  and  the  wars 
they  had  for  a  long  time  prosecuted  against  the 
Moors,  had  drawn  from  all  quarters  of  Europe  large 
numbers  of  the  chivalrous  young  nobility  of  the 
age,  who  were  anxious  to  gain  reputation  and  mili¬ 
tary  experience  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  regarded 
the  contest  with  the  infidels  on  the  hills  of  Grenada, 

i  .  7 

in  the  light  of  another  Christian  crusade. 

Italian  merchants  and  bankers  were  not  back¬ 
ward  in  taking  advantage  of  the  wants  occasioned 
by  this  great  influx  of  foreigners,  and  such  exten¬ 
sive  military  movements.  A  great  many  of  them 
were  to  be  found  in  all  parts  of  the  Peninsula,  and 

i  Bandim,  ch.  iii.  p.  32. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


73 


in  the  records  of  Simaacas,  various  royal  decrees  re¬ 
specting  them  are  extant.  Among  them  is  a  war¬ 
rant,  dated  in  1486,  granting  a  safe  conduct  to  Juan 
Berardi  and  other  Florentine  merchants,  from  Bar¬ 
celona  to  Seville.  The  connexion  of  Americus 
with  this  individual,  as  will  subsequently  appear, 
was  of  much  consequence,  and  must  have  taken 
place  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Spain,  if  not  before. 
It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  it  originated  in  Flor¬ 
ence,  but  no  accurate  information  can  be  obtained 
on  the  subject.1 

On  his  departure  from  his  native  city,  he  was  en¬ 
trusted  with  the  charge  of  a  number  of  youthful 
Florentines,  who  were  placed  by  their  friends  under 
his  care,  and  who  went  with  him  to  acquire  the  ad¬ 
vantages  of  travel.  He  took  with  him  also  his  ne¬ 
phew  Giovanni,  a  promising  youth,  to  whom  he  was 
warmly  attached,  ami  who  subsequently  accom¬ 
panied  him  in  all  his  voyages,  and  became  a  skilful 
navigator.  The  following  extract  from  a  letter 
which  is  preserved  by  Bandini,  was  copied  by  that 
biographer  from  a  manuscript  in  the  handwriting 
of  Americus,  which  was  preserved  in  his  time,  in 
the  collection  of  the  Abbot  Scarlatti.2 

1  Navarrete,  Collecion  de  Via-  ties,  as  it  were,  by  inheritance  af- 

ges,  tom.  iii.  p.  315.  ter  his  death,  for  he  was  a  very 

2  Bandini,  chap.  iii.  p.  35.  Ir-  expert  master  in  the  knowledge  of 

ving,  vol.  ii.  p.  883.  his  card,  his  compass,  and  the  ele- 

Peter  Martyr  speaks  of  this  vation  of  the  Pole  star  by  the 
Giovanni  Vespucci  in  the  highest  quadrant.  Vespucius  is  my  very 
terms,  and  says,  “Young  Vespu-  familiar  friend,  and  a  witty  young 
cius  is  one  to  whom  Americus  man,  in  whose  company  I  take 
Vespucius,  his  uncle,  left  the  exact  great  pleasure,  and  therefore  use 
knowledge  of  the  mariner’s  facul-  him  oftentimes  for  my  guest.” 

10 


CHAPTER 

IV. 


Giovanni 
Vespucci, 
the  nephew 
of  Amer¬ 
icus. 


74 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  It  indicates  clearly  what  were  his  occupations  as 

- late  as  the  early  part  of  1492 ;  and  is  worthy  of  a 

translation,  if  only  as  a  specimen  of  the  style  of 
mercantile  correspondence  of  the  age. 

Extract  And  as  it  is  necessary  for  one  of  us,  either  Amer- 

from  a  Let-  . 

ter  of  Amer-  icus  or  Donato,  to  proceed  in  a  short  time  to  Fior- 

icus.  A 

ence,  we  shall  be  able  to  give  you  better  informa- 
on  all  points  by  word  of  mouth  than  can  possibly 
be  done  by  letter. 

As  yet,  it  has  been  impossible  to  do  any  thing 
respecting  the  freight  of  salt,  for  want  of  a  vessel. 
For  some  time  past,  we  are  sorry  to  say,  no  ship 
has  arrived  here  which  was  not  chartered ;  be  con¬ 
soled,  if  no  one  arrives  here,  that  we  shall  be  active 
for  your  interests. 

You  will  have  learned  from  the  elder  Donato  the 
good  fortune  which  has  happened  to  his  Highness 
the  King ;  assuredly  the  most  high  God  has  given 
him  his  aid;  but  I  cannot  relate  it  to  you  in  full — 
God  preserve  him  many  years,  and  us  with  him ! 

There  is  nothing  new  to  communicate.  Christ 
preserve  you ! 

We  date,  January  30th,  1492. 

Donato  IVicollini. 

Americus  Vespucius.1” 

The  Nicollini  who  signs  the  above  letter  jointly 
with  Americus,  was  undoubtedly  connected  with 
him  in  business,  at  that  period ;  but  nothing  further 
concerning  him  can  be  determined,  and  it  is  equally 

1  Bandini,  chap.  iii.  p.  35,  36. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


75 


doubtful  when  he  first  became  acquainted  with 
Berardi.  It  must,  however,  have  been  soon  after 
this  time  ;  for  very  shortly  after  the  date  of  this  let¬ 
ter,  Americus  went  to  Seville,  where  Berardi  was 
established. 

After  the  return  of  Columbus  from  his  first  voy¬ 
age,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  contracted  with  Berar¬ 
di  to  furnish  and  equip  four  armaments,  to  be  for¬ 
warded  at  different  times  to  the  New  World,  and 
Americus  is  found  to  be  busily  occupied,  in  con¬ 
nexion  with  him,  receiving  payments  and  entering 
into  obligations  in  his  behalf  and  name.  Some 
have  supposed  that  he  was  only  the  agent  of  Be¬ 
rardi  in  these  transactions ;  but  it  is  more  probable 
that  he  became  a  partner  in  the  house,  as,  after 
the  death  of  Berardi,  Americus  still  continued  to 
manage  all  the  affairs  of  the  armaments,  and  was 
paid  large  sums  of  money  by  the  government,  for 
equipments  previously  effected.1 

It  lias  been  thought,  by  some  historians,  that 
Americus  accompanied  Columbus  upon  his  second 
voyage ;  but  there  is  no  evidence,  which  is  of 


1  Entre  varias  partidas  de  ma- 
ravedis  que  en  cuenta  del  flete  de 
estas  naves  se  abonaron  a  Berardi, 
por  el  tesorero  Pinelo,  de  ordende 
D.  Juan  Fonseca,  hay  dos  que  re- 
cibio  Amerigo  V espuche  a  nombre 
del  mismo  Berardi,  y  habiendo 
este  fallecido,  en  Diciembre  de 
1495 — “Vespuche  se  encargo  de 
tener  la  cuenta  con  los  Maestres 


del  flete  y  suelde  que  hobiesen  de 
haber,  segun  el  asiento,  que  el 
dicho  Juanoto  hizo  con  ellos,  y 
del  mantenimiento,  &c.  Para  lo 
cual  recibio — Amerigo  de  Pinelo 
10.000  maravedis  en  12  de  Enero 
de  1496.”  Siguio  Vespucio  dis- 
poniendo  todas  las  cosas  hasta  des- 
pachar  la  armada  en  San  Lucar. — 
Navarrete ,  tom.  iii.  p.  315 — 317. 


CHAPTER 

IV. 


Conti  act  of 
the  Spanish 
Government 
with 
Berardi. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  much  weight,  to  sustain  the  opinion,  and  his  own 

- accounts  tend  to  contradict  it.1 

Animpor-  ,  The  period  at  which  Americus  maybe  said  to 

tant  epoch  A  J 

m  i]rJyt0ory-  have  first  commenced  active  life  was,  without  doubt, 
the  most  important  epoch  in  modern  history.  If 
it  were  possible  to  transport  oneself  back,  in  propria 
persona,  to  the  year  1490,  it  would  be  easy  to  ana¬ 
lyze  the  probable  condition  of  his  mind  at  the  date 
of  his  departure  from  Florence,  and  imagination 
can  only  partially  supply  the  vacuum,  which  is  felt 
in  the  lack  of  any  writings  of  his  own.  Remark¬ 
able  events  had  followed  each  other  with  startling 
rapidity,  during  the  century  which  was  then  draw¬ 
ing  to  its  close.  The  sudden  advancement  of  liter¬ 
ature,  the  revival  of  art,  and  the  improvement  in 
the  science  of  navigation,  must  each  have  exerted 
a  direct  influence  over  his  mind.  He  was  no 
longer  a  youth,  but  in  the  fullest  vigour  of  man¬ 
hood,  competent  to  think,  and  think  deeply,  on  all 


1  The  four  voyages  of  Vespu- 
cius  are  described  by  Munster,  in 
his  Cosmography,  printed  in  Latin 
in  1550.  He  says,  “  Americus 
Vespucius,  after  having  been  sent 
by  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile, 
about  the  year  1492,  in  company 
with  Columbus,  to  seek  out  un¬ 
known  lands,  after  a  few  years 
elapsed,  being  learned  in  naviga¬ 
tion,  made  voyages  by  himself,- — 
two  for  the  said  King  Ferdinand, 
and  two  for  Emanuel.  King  of  Por¬ 
tugal,  and  wrote  concerning  them 
in  the  following  manner.”  But  it  is 
rendered  certain  that  Munster  was 


in  error  in  his  statement. — Ba?idi- 
ni,  ch.  iv.  p.  58.  Canovai  says, 
“Accordingly,  in  1493  Vespucius 
was  deputed  by  Ferdinand  to  ac¬ 
company  Columbus  in  his  second 
v°yage,  in  the  quality  of  an  ap¬ 
prentice.”  But  he  gives  no  au¬ 
thority  but  Munster  for  his  state¬ 
ment. — Canovai ,  Vita,  &c.  torn.ii. 
p.  50.  Irving  says,  “  The  first 
notice  of  a  positive  form  which 
we  have  of  Vespucci  as  resident 
in  Spain  is  early  in  1496.”  This 
is  as  manifest  an  error,  as  that  of 
Munster. — Irving ,  vol.  ii.  p.  881. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


77 


the  great  subjects  of  thought  which  agitated  the  CHAPTER 

age.  It  was  an  age,  too,  of  great  intellectual  activi - — — 

ty,  resembling  more  nearly  the  present,  than  any 
which  had  preceded  it.  Knowledge  was  taking 
wist  strides.  ]\o  solitary  subject  of  contemplation, 
like  the  Crusades,  occupied  the  minds  of  all,  to  the 
exclusion  of  every  thing  else.  Every  science,  every 
theory  of  politics  or  religion,  every  department  of 
art,  attracted  and  received  its  share  of  attention. 

It  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  Americus 
experienced  his  proportion  of  the  restlessness  and 
anticipation  which  filled  the  public  mind.  He, 
with  the  rest  of  the  world,  was  looking  out  anx¬ 
iously,  though  with  indefinite  hopes,  for  the  coming 
of  great  events.  Perhaps,  even  as  he  entered  the 
ship  which  was  to  bear  him  from  his  native  coun¬ 
try,  ne  felt  in  his  heart  a  presage  of  his  future 
lame ;  and  while  visions  of  yet  undiscovered  lands 
floated  before  his  eyes,  inwardly  resolved  to  take  a 
prominent  part  himself,  in  the  drama  of  progress 

and  improvement  then  being  enacted  in  the  theatre 
of  the  world. 


CHAPTER  V. 


CHAPTER 

V. 


Personal 
appearance 
of  Colum¬ 
bus. 


Meeting  of  Americus  with  Columbus,  1492,  ’93. — Description  of  the 
Personal  Appearance  of  Columbus. — Personal  Appearance  of  Amer- 
icus. — Sketch  of  their  different  Views. — The  Problem  of  Longi¬ 
tude. — Discussion  at  Salamanca. — Conversation  between  Colun^bus 
and  Americus. — Singular  Vow  of  the  Former.— He  Repels  the  Im¬ 
putation  of  Mercenary  Motives. — Doubts  of  Americus  as  to  the  Ter¬ 
ritories  of  the  Khan,  drawn  from  the  Appearance  of  the  Natives, 
See. — His  Ideas  of  a  large  Island  between  Europe  and  Asia. — Con¬ 
fidence  of  Columbus. — Considers  himself  Divinely  Commissioned. 
— His  Plan  of  Attack  upon  the  Infidels. — Cites  Paolo  Toscanelli. 
>  — Vespucius  States  his  View  of  the  Question  of  Longitude. — Ter¬ 
restrial  Paradise. — Enthusiasm  of  Columbus  on  this  Subject. — Ex¬ 
aggeration  of  Marco  Polo. — Criticism  of  Americus. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  recall  to  the  reader’s 
mind  the  great  event  of  the  year  1492.  After  a 
long  series  of  disappointments  and  reverses,  Colum¬ 
bus  had  induced  the  Spanish  sovereigns  to  lend 
their  ears  to  his  representations  ;  and  that  memo¬ 
rable  year,  an  epoch  nearly  as  familiar  to  the  mem¬ 
ory  of  all,  as  that  of  the  coming  of  the  Saviour, 
crowned  his  hopes  with  triumph. 

It  must  have  been  soon  after  his  return  from  his 
first  voyage  of  discovery,  when  the  acquaintance  of 
Americus  with  the  admiral  commenced.  Colum¬ 
bus  is  described  by  his  contemporaries  as  being  of 
a  commanding  personal  appearance.  Tall  and 
muscular,  and  well  proportioned  in  form,  he  hap- 


f 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMEPJCUS  VESPUCIUS.  j( 

pily  blended  in  his  address  a  certain  suavity  and  CHAPTER 
affability  of  manner,  with  the  greatest  dignity.  His  — — — 
complexion  was  fair,  and  his  hair,  which  had  once 
°een  light,  had  changed  to  grey.  Piercing  grev 
eyes,  which,  when  he  was  engaged  in  discussion  or 
conversation,  would  kindle  and  flash  with  peculiar 
brightness,  gave  life  to  features  otherwise  rather 
melancholy  in  their  general  effect.  His  temper  was 
naturally  hasty,  but  he  seldom  allowed  it  to  appear 
in  his  conversation  by  any  want  of  courtesy  in  his 
language.1 

Americus  is  described  as  being  of  about  the  middle  Personal 
height,  of  rather  a  brawny  and  thickset  frame.  The  of  Ameri- 
shape  of  his  head  was  peculiarly  striking.  His 
forehead  was  low  and  retreating,  but  of  great  breadth 
and  massiveness,  and  his  temples  were  unusually 
expanded.  One  look  at  the  formation  of  his  skull, 
which  showed  that  there  existed  a  vast  preponder¬ 
ance  of  the  intellectual,  over  the  animal  develop¬ 
ments  of  the  brain,  would  have  satisfied  a  phrenol¬ 
ogist  that  he  beheld  a  remarkable  man.  His  eyes 
were  large  and  black,  his  nose  aquiline,  and  his 
cheek  bones  rather  prominent.  His  mouth  was 
singularly  expressive  of  firmness  mingled  with 
amiability.  His  complexion  w~as  dark,  and  inclining 
to  sallow.  His  hair  was  originally  black,  but  at 
this  time  was  slightly  mixed  with  grey.  His  beard 
was  thick  and  bushy,  and  was  preserved  entire. 

The  portrait  of  him,  from  which  was  taken  the  en¬ 
graving  that  appears  at  the  commencement  of  this 

1  Irving’s  Works,  Paris  Ed.,  vol.  ii.  p.  613. 


80 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

V. 


Different 
views  of 
Americus 
and  Coluni' 
bus. 


volume,  was  painted  many  years  after  the  date  of 
his  first  interview  with  Columbus,  when  he  had 
become  nearly  bald.  In  his  address,  although  pos¬ 
sessed  of  less  dignity  of  demeanour  than  Columbus, 
there  was  a  gentleness  and  retiring  modesty,  which 
was  highly  attractive.  His  temper  was  mild  and 
equable,  and  he  never  suffered  it  to  gain  the  mas¬ 
tery  over  him  in  his  speech. 

Such,  as  nearly  as  can  be  ascertained  at  this  pe¬ 
riod,  was  the  personal  appearance  of  the  two  great 
men,  when  they  first  came  together.  Americus,  as 
has  been  said  before,  w7as  greatly  excited  by  the  re¬ 
ports  of  the  discoveries  of  Columbus,  and  had 
eagerly  investigated  them.  There  is  evidence  in 
his  writings,  that  he  arrived  at  very  different  conclu¬ 
sions  as  to  their  ultimate  tendency,  from  those  of 
the  admiral ;  and  it  is  scarcely  probable  that  two 
such  men  should  have  met  as  they  did,  without 
an  interchange  of  their  peculiar  sentiments,  on  a 
subject  which  was  engrossing  the  attention  of  both. 
It  has  seemed  best  to  set  before  the  reader  a  brief 
sketch  of  some  of  the  different  view7s  which  influ¬ 
enced  them,  in  the  form  of  a  friendly  dialogue  be¬ 
tween  the  two,  rather  than  in  the  shape  of  a  dis¬ 
sertation. 

Care  has  been  taken  that  no  idea  should  be  at- 

V  * 

tributed  to  either  which  their  several  writings  do 
not  indicate  as  existing  in  their  own  minds.  At  the 
same  time,  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  views 
expressed  by  Americus  were  the  settled  convictions 
of  his  mind  ;  they  were  rather  the  speculations  of 


\ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS.  g] 

an  active  spirit,  acting  upon  the  natural  doubts  chapter 

V. 

suggested  by  inquiry  into  a  subject,  where  all  was - - — 

vague  and  undecided.  Columbus  appears,  as  he 
really  existed,  in  all  the  confidence  of  enthusiasm  ; 
Americus  rather  as  a  sceptic,  anxious  to  extract 
the  truth  from  the  mass  of  mingled  truth  and  error, 
which  lay  before  him.  That  neither  of  the  two 
was  free  from  error,  is  not  to  be  wondered  at ;  but 
that  the  speculations  of  Americus  were  much  the 
most  divested  of  absurdities,  subsequent  discoveries 
have  amply  proved.1 

The  greatest  doubt  which  existed  in  the  mind  of  The  doubts 

of  Ameri- 

Americus,  was  in  relation  to  the  distance  between  cus. 
Europe  and  the  eastern  shores  of  Asia.  He  always 
discredited  the  measurement  of  longitude,  which 
was  invented  by  Toscanelli,  and  communicated  to 
Columbus,  and  the  recent  discoveries  of  the  latter 
tended  to  strengthen  those  doubts,  rather  than  to 
abate  them. 

The  conversation  which  follows,  should  be  looked 
upon  as  the  commencement  of  a  discussion,  and 
not  as  a  discussion  itself.  Abstruse  and  minute 
calculations  were  doubtless  entered  into  by  the  two 
navigators,  to  confirm  their  peculiar  views.  Co- 

1  Mr.  Irving  says,  “  When  Yes-  tinct  continent,  &c.”  —  Irving's 
pueci  wrote  his  letters,  there  was  Works ,  Paris  Ed.  p.  885,  886. 
not  a  doubt  entertained  but  that  This  admission  is  striking,  inas- 
Columbus  had  discovered  the  main  much  as  the  Letters  of  Americus 
land  in  his  first  voyage.  Cuba  were  all  written  previous  to  1508, 
being  always  considered  the  ex-  and  contain  ample  confirmation  of 
tremity  of  Asia,  until  circumnavi-  the  opinion  that  he  thought  he  had 
gated  in  1508.  Vespucci  may  arrived  at  a  new  continent. —  Vide 
have  supposed  Brazil,  Paria,  and  infra ,  Letter  to  Soderini. 
the  rest  of  that  coast  part  of  a  dis- 

11 


82 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

V. 


lumbus  was  a  man  ever  ready  to  receive  sugges¬ 
tions  and  acquire  information  from  whatever  source, 
and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  considered  the 
opinions  of  Americus,  though  materially  at  variance 
with  his  own,  as  he  did  the  absurd  objections  which 
were  raised  to  his  first  voyage  by  some  of  the  over¬ 
wise  doctors  at  Salamanca.  Though  pertinacious 
in  his  adherence  to  his  own  enthusiastic  theories, 
he  was  ever  ready  to  give  ear  to  any  doubt  which 
carried  with  it  the  semblance  of  reason,  or  was 
susceptible  of  being  supported  by  plausible  argu¬ 
ment.1 


i  The  two  navigators  agreed 
upon  many  important  theories  en¬ 
tirely.  The  great  difference  of 
their  discussion,  from  that  which 
Columbus  held  with  the  conclave 
at  Salamanca,  will  be  better  un¬ 
derstood  after  a  perusal  of  the  ac¬ 
count  of  the  absurd  objections 
which  were  then  raised  to  his  the¬ 
ories,  which  is  found  in  Mr.  Ir¬ 
ving’s  Life  of  the  Admiral.  He 

savs, 

*/ 

“  At  the  very  threshold  of  the 
discussion,  instead  of  geographical 
objections,  Columbus  was  assailed 
by  quotations  from  the  Bible  and 
the  Testament,  the  Booh  of  Gene¬ 
sis,  the  Psalms  of  David,  the 
Prophets,  the  Epistles,  and  the 
Gospels.  To  these  were  added 
the  expositions  of  various  saints 
and  reverend  commentators,  St. 
Chrysostome  and  St.  Augustine, 
St.  Jerome  and  St.  Gregory,  St. 
Basil  and  St.  Ambrose,  and  Lac- 
tantius  Firmianus,  a  redoubted 
champion  of  the  faith.  Doctrinal 
points  were  mixed  up  with  philo¬ 


sophical  discussions,  and  a  mathe¬ 
matical  demonstration  was  allowed 
no  truth,  if  it  appeared  to  clash 
with  a  text  of  Scripture,  or  a  com¬ 
mentary  of  one  of  the  fathers. 
Thus  the  possibility  of  antipodes 
in  the  southern  hemisphere,  an 
opinion  so  generally  maintained 
by  the  wisest  of  the  ancients,  as  to 
be  pronounced  by  Pliny  the  great 
contest  between  the  learned  and 
the  ignorant,  became  a  stumbling- 
block  with  some  of  the  sages  of 
Salamanca.  Several  of  them 
stoutly  contradicted  this  basis  of 
the  theory  of  Columbus,  support 
ing  themselves  by  quotations  from 
Lactantius  and  St.  Augustine, 
who  were  considered  in  those  days 
as  almost  evangelical  authority. 
But  though  these  writers  were 
men  of  consummate  erudition,  and 
two  of  the  greatest  luminaries  of 
what  has  been  called  the  golden 
age  of  Ecclesiastical  learning,  yet 
their  writings  were  calculated  to 
perpetuate  darkness  in  respect  to 
the  sciences 


CONVERSATION  BETWEEN  AMERICUS  AND  COLUMBUS. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


S3 


Columbus 

It  grieves  me  much,  worthy  Signor  Vespucci,  to 
learn  from  our  friend  the  Signor  Berardi,  that  you 


“  The  passage  cited  by  Lactan- 
tius  to  confute  Columbus  is  in  a 
strain  of  gross  ridicule,  unworthy 
of  so  grave  a  theologian.  1  Is 
there  any  one  so  foolish,’  he  asks, 
‘  as  to  believe  that  there  are  an¬ 
tipodes  with  their  feet  opposite  to 
ours ;  people  who  walk  with  their 
feet  upwards  and  their  heads 
hanging  down  ?  That  there  is  a 
part  of  the  world  in  which  all 
things  are  topsy-turvy  ;  where  the 
trees  grow  with  their  branches 
downward,  and  where  it  rains,  hails 
and  snows  upward  ?  The  idea  of 
the  roundness  of  the  earth,’  he 
adds,  ‘  was  the  cause  of  inventing 
this  fable  of  the  antipodes  with 
their  heels  in  the  air:  for  these 
philosophers  having  once  erred, 
go  on  in  their  absurdities,  defend¬ 
ing  one  another.’  More  grave  ob¬ 
jections  Were  urged  on  the  autho¬ 
rity  of  St.  Augustine.  He  pro¬ 
nounces  the  doctrine  of  the  an- 
tipodes'incompatible  with  the  his¬ 
torical  foundations  of  our  faith  ; 
since  to  assert  that  there  were  in¬ 
habited  lands  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  globe,  would  be  to  maintain 
that  there  were  nations  not  de¬ 
scended  from  Adam,  it  being  im¬ 
possible  for  them  to  have  passed 
the  intervening  ocean.  This 
would  be,  therefore,  to  discredit 
the  Bible,  which  expressly  de¬ 
clares,  that  all  men  are  descended 
from  one  common  parent. 

«  Such  were  the  unlooked-for 


prejudices  which  Columbus  had 
to  encounter  at  the  very  outset  of 
his  conference,  and  which  certain¬ 
ly  relish  more  of  the  convent  than 
of  the  university.  To  his  simplest 
proposition,  the  spherical  form  of 
the  earth,  were  opposed  figurative 
texts  of  Scripture.  They  observed 
that  in  the  Psalms,  the  heavens 
are  said  to  be  extended  like  a  hide, 
that  is,  according  to  commenta¬ 
tors,  the  curtain,  or  covering  of  a 
tent,  which,  among  ancient  pasto¬ 
ral  nations,  was  formed  of  the 
hides  of  animals ;  and  that  St. 
Paul,  in  his  epistle  to  the  He¬ 
brews,  compares  the  heavens  to  a 
tabernacle  or  tent,  extended  over 
the  earth,  which  they  thence  in¬ 
ferred  must  be  flat.  Columbus, 
who  was  a  devoutly  religious 
man,  found  that  he  was  in  danger 
of  being  convicted,  not  merely  of 
error,  but  of  heterodoxy.  Others, 
more  versed  in  science,  admitted 
the  globular  form  of  the  earth, 
and  the  possibility  of  an  opposite 
and  inhabitable  hemisphere,  but 
they  brought  up  the  chimera  of 
the  ancients,  and  maintained  that 
it  would  be  impossible  to  arrive 
there  in  consequence  of  the  insup¬ 
portable  heat  of  the  torrid  zone. 
Even  granting  this  could  be  pass¬ 
ed,  they  observed,  that  the  cir¬ 
cumference  of  the  earth  must  be 
so  great  as  to  require  at  least  three 
years  for  the  voyage,  and  those 
who  should  undertake  it  must 


CHAPTER 

V. 


Dialogue 
between 
Americus 
and  Colure 
bus. 


84 

CHAPTER 

V. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

do  not  estimate,  as  I  do,  the  result  of  our  recent 
navigation  in  the  West.  With  your  well-known 
skill  in  cosmography,  I  fear  me,  you  combine  more 
of  doubt  than  would  be  becoming  to  a  Christian 
navigator. 

Americus. 

Your  Excellency  mistakes  my  views  greatly,  or 
has  been  misinformed  of  them.  Far  from  under¬ 
valuing  the  effect  of  the  discoveries  which  your  ge¬ 
nius  has  accomplished,  I  am  the  rather  disposed  to 
place  a  greater  estimate  upon  them,  than  does  the  Ad¬ 
miral  Colon  himself.  If  I  judged  them  in  the  light 
in  which  they  are  viewed  by  the  most  of  those 
who  hope  to  profit  by  them,  then  indeed  the  impu¬ 
tation  would  be  just,  considering  that  I  have  freely 
expressed  what  has  occurred  to  my  own  thoughts  : 
but  I  look  not  to  such  things,  and  well  I  know  that 
your  own  mind  is  above  them. 

Columbus. 

In  that  respect  you  do  me  but  justice.  If  I  look 
for  gain  in  aught  that  I  have  undertaken,  it  is  only 
that  I  may  devote  it  to  a  holy  purpose.  Have  I 

perish,  of  hunger  and  thirst,  from  the  least  absurd  objection  ad  van - 
the  impossibility  of  carrying  pro-  ced  was,  that  should  a  ship  even 
visions  for  so  long  a  period.  He  succeed  in  reaching,  in  this  way, 
was  told,  on  the  authority  of  Epi-  the  extremity  of  India,  she  could 
curus,  that  admitting  the  earth  to  never  get  back  again,  for  the  ro¬ 
be  spherical,  it  was  only  inhabita-  tundity  of  the  globe  would  pre- 
ble  in  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  sent  a  kind  of  mountain,  up  which 
and  in  that  section  only  was  can-  it  would  be  impossible  for  her  to 
opied  by  the  heavens ;  that  the  sail  with  the  most  favourable 
opposite  half  was  a  chaos,  a  gulf,  wind.” — Irving ,  vol.  ii.  p.  627. 
or  a  mere  waste  of  water.  Not 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


85 


not,  even  within  the  last  few  days,  recorded  my 
solemn  oath  that  I  would,  in  the  event  of  my  pros¬ 
perous  arrival  at  the  wealthy  capital  of  the  Grand 
Khan,  (whom,  by  the  favour  of  God,  I  hope  to  con¬ 
vert  to  the  true  faith),  employ  the  riches  I  shall 
acquire  in  the  equipment  of  a  force  of  four  thou¬ 
sand  horse  and  fifty  thousand  foot,  for  the  recovery 
of  the  holy  sepulchre  from  the  hands  of  the  infidels  } 
I  am  unwilling  to  think  that  your  speech  tends  to 
the  end  of  imputing  to  me  mercenary  motives,  but 

wherein  do  we  differ  1  Is  not  the  way  opened,  and 

/* 

will  not  the  intercourse  I  mean  to  establish  with 
the  Pagan  monarch  contribute  greatly  to  the  pur¬ 
poses  I  keep  in  view  1  The  holy  father  at  Rome 
himself  lends  me  encouragement  in  my  undertaking, 
and  regards  with  approbation  my  efforts  to  lead 
into  the  true  church  so  mighty  a  potentate.1 


CHAPTER 

V. 


Americus. 

With  all  the  deference  that  is  due  to  your  Excel¬ 
lency’s  superior  wisdom  and  experience,  I  would 
state,  that  therein  lies  the  very  point  of  our  difference. 


1  “  While  the  mind  of  Columbus 
was  thus  teeming  with  glorious 
anticipations,  his  pious  scheme  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Sep¬ 
ulchre  was  not  forgotten.  It  has 
been  shown  that  he  suggested  it 
to  the  Spanish  sovereigns  at  the 
time  of  first  making  his  proposi¬ 
tions,  holding  it  forth  as  the  great 
object  to  he  effected  by  the  profits 
of  his  discoveries.  Flushed  with 
the  idea  of  the  vast  wealth  that  was 


now  to  accrue  to  himself,  he  made 
a  vow  to  furnish  within  seven 
years  an  army  consisting  of  four 
thousand  horse  and  fifty  thousand 
foot,  for  the  rescue  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  and  a  similar  force 
within  the  five  following  years. 
It  is  essential  to  a  full  comprehen¬ 
sion  of  the  character  of  Columbus, 
that  this  wild  and  visionary  pro¬ 
ject  should  be  borne  in  recollec¬ 
tion.” — Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  680. 


86 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

V. 


I  deem  it  by  no  means  certain  that  your  ships  have 
touched  the  territories  of  the  Grand  Khan  at  all, 
hut  rather  a  land  which  has  hitherto  been  alike  un¬ 
known  to  him  and  to  us.  Thousands  of  leagues 
may  yet  intervene  between  that  land  and  his  do¬ 
minions,  whether  of  sea  or  earth  remains  to  he  dis¬ 
covered  ;  and  I  judge  in  this  wise,  as  well  from  the 
accounts  of  cosmographers,  who  have  written  upon 
the  subject,  as  from  the  description  of  the  barba¬ 
rous  natives,  which  you  yourself  have  fallen  in 

with,  in  your  recent  discoveries.  The  accounts  of 

'  */ 

those  who  have  penetrated  to  the  distant  regions 
of  the  East,  lead  us  to  understand  that  the  subjects 
of  the  Grand  Khan  live  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
profuse  wealth  and  luxury,  and  bedeck  themselves 
with  superfine  garments,  and  much  gold  and  jew¬ 
elry.  These  people,  however,  are  naked  and  wild, 
and  may  be  looked  upon  as  little  superior  to  the 
beasts,  and  I  think  cannot  be  in  any  way  connected 
with  a  monarch  of  such  magnificence.  My  own 
thoughts  lead  me  to  the  conviction,  that  there  ex¬ 
ists  near  unto  the  lands  you  have  visited,  an  im¬ 
mense  country,  which  may  possibly  belong  to,  and 
be  part  of,  the  Khan’s  dominions,  though  1  doubt  if 
such  be  the  case.  Marco  Polo  himself  speaks  of 
an  island  lying  far  out  in  the  ocean  which  washes 
the  eastern  shores  of  Asia,  the  great  Cipango, 
abounding  in  riches  and  precious  stones,  which  has 
never  been  subdued  by  the  sovereign  of  Cathay, 
although  he  has  made  many  attempts  to  conquer  it. 
This  island  I  deem  it  necessary  to  discover,  in  the 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


87 


first  place  ;  then,  even  after  it  is  circumnavigated  or 
passed  over,  and  the  last  may  be  the  easiest  way, 
a  voyage  of  long  duration  will  still  have  to  be  ac¬ 
complished  before  the  empire  of  Cathay  is  reached. 
When  I  speak  of  a  passage  over  this  unknown 
island,  I  do  so  in  view  of  its  great  extent,  as  1  esti¬ 
mate  it  to  be  of  such  size,  that  it  might  more  prop¬ 
erly  be  designated  Terra  Firma,  being,  according  to 
my  calculations,  as  large,  if  not  larger,  than  the 
whole  of  Europe.  And  herein  do  i  estimate  most 
highly  the  worth  of  the  discoveries  which  your  ex¬ 
cellency  has  made,  and  their  importance  to  this 
realm,  as  it  will  now  be  comparatively  easy  to  pass 
the  lands  you  have  fallen  in  with,  by  sailing  either 
in  a  more  northerly  or  a  more  southerly  direction, 
in  either  case  striking  the  country  I  have  in  my 
mind.1 


Columbus. 

Nay,  nay,  good  Signor  Vespucci,  I  have  the  con¬ 
fidence  in  my  heart  that  you  are  mistaken.  I  feel 
persuaded,  by  the  many  and  wonderful  manifesta¬ 
tions  of  Divine  Providence  in  my  especial  favour, 
that  I  am  the  chosen  instrument  of  God  in  bringing 

i  Vide  infra — Letter  to  Sode-  of  Marco  Polo,  of  countries  teem- 
rini,  chap.  vii. — where  Americus  ing  with  wealth,  and  cities  whose 
says,  “We  sailed  so  rapidly  that  very  domes  and  palaces  flamed 
at  the  end  of  twenty-seven  days  with  gold,  he  will  have  but  a  faint 
we  came  in  sight  of  land,  which  idea  of  the  splendid  anticipations 
we  judged  to  be  a  continent,  being  of  Columbus  when  he  discovered, 
about  a  thousand  leagues  west  of  as  he  supposed,  the  extremity  of 
the  Grand  Canaries,”  &c.  Asia.” — Irving ,  vol.  ii.  p.  906. — 

“  Unless  the  reader  bears  in  Also,  vide  supra,  the  first  note  to 
mind  these  sumptuous  descriptions  this  Chapter. 


CHAPTER 

V. 


88 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

V. 


* 


4 

to  pass  a  great  event — no  less  than  the  conversion 
of  millions  who  are  now  existing  in  the  darkness  of 
Paganism.1  I  would,  indeed,  provide  for  the  good 
of  the  poor  natives  we  have  already  met  with,  as 
well  by  building  cities  on  their  islands,  and  culti¬ 
vating  their  lands,  as  by  the  erection  of  churches, 
and  the  establishment  of  holy  priests  and  Christian 
worship.  But  I  would  by  no  means  forget  the 
greater  end  in  view :  namely,  that  of  bringing  to 
bear  upon  the  infidels  the  wealth  and  power  of  the 
vast  kingdom  of  Cathay ;  that  thus,  being  encom¬ 
passed  on  all  hands  by  armies  from  Europe  on  the 
one  side,  and  by  the  innumerable  hosts  of  Asia  on 
the  other,  they  may  be  utterly  destroyed,  and  the 
tomb  of  our  Lord  be  again  placed  in  the  possession 
of  true  believers.  I  will  not  think  that  so  enlight¬ 
ened  a  sovereign  as  the  Grand  Khan  is  represented 
to  us,  would  refuse  to  submit  at  once  to  the  au¬ 
thority  of  Holy  Mother  Church ;  but  if  he  does,  it 

to  convert  him  by  the  sword 
of  faith.  In  these  things  I  marvel  much  at  your 
incredulity,  Signor  Vespucci,  seeing  that  you  have 
had  often  opportunities  of  conversing  with  the 


will  become  our  duty 


1  On  one  occasion  during  the 
first  voyage  of  Columbus,  there 
was  a  heavy  swell  of  the  sea  du¬ 
ring  a  perfect  calm,  a  phenomenon 
which  is  now  perfectly  understood 
by  mariners,  and  which  occurs  very 
frequently.  “  Columbus,  who  con¬ 
sidered  himself  under  the  imme¬ 
diate  eye  and  guardianship  of 
Heaven  in  the  solemn  enterprise, 


intimates  in  his  journal  that  this 
swelling  of  the  sea  seemed  prov¬ 
identially  ordered  to  allay  the  ri¬ 
sing  clamours  of  his  crew — com¬ 
paring  it  to  that  which  so  provi¬ 
dentially  aided  Moses  when  con¬ 
ducting  the  children  of  Israel  oift 
of  the  captivity  of  Egypt.” — Ir¬ 
ving ,  vol.  ii.  p.  643.  Navarretc , 
tom.  i.  Journal  of  Columbus. 


/ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


89 

learned  physician  Paolo,  your  own  countryman,  chapter 
(peace  be  to  his  ashes,)  who,  in  his  lifetime,  coin¬ 
cided  so  nearly  with  me  in  opinion. 


Americus. 


I  have,  indeed,  as  your  Excellency  observes,  often¬ 
times  disputed  and  argued  with  the  venerable  Tos- 
canelli,  and  to  him  is  due  much  of  the  little  knowl¬ 
edge  I  have  been  able  to  acquire  in  cosmography 
and  astronomy.  But  from  him  I  also  learned,  that 
the  descriptions  which  are.  given  by  Marco  Polo 
were  considered  by  many  wise  men  as  not  alto¬ 
gether  beyond  the  reach  of  doubt,  and  irrefutable. 
And  even  to  his  own  apprehension  there  were 


many  apparent  exaggerations  and  mis-statements. 
If,  then,  he  is  in  error  in  some  particulars,  how 
shall  we  draw  the  line,  and  say  wherein  he  speaks 
the  truth  of  his  own  knowledge  ?  And  how  could 
he  know  the  distance  which  exists  between  Cathay 
and  the  western  shores  of  Europe,  save  by  hearsay 
and  the  reports  of  mariners  on  that  unknown 
shore,  who  themselves  must  have  been  falsifiers,  as 
it  is  well  known  that  not  one  of  them  has  ever  ap¬ 


peared  here,  who  might  have  estimated  the  distance? 
I  cannot  think  that  we  are  so  near  to  Cathay  as 
your  Excellency  supposes,  and  had  much  rather 
follow  the  opinion,  that  you  have  possibly  ap¬ 
proached  the  shore,  that  has  been  hitherto  repre¬ 
sented  as  inaccessible  to  mortals.1 


i  Both  Americus  and  Columbus  trine  of  the  existence  of  a  terres- 
were  inclined  to  believe  in  the  doc-  trial  paradise.  With  Americus, 

12 


90 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

V. 


Columbus. 


i 

You  speak  of  the  Paradise,  which  so  many  sound 
and  able  divines  assert  to  be  still  in  existence  on 
the  earth. 


Americus. 

I  do ;  though  not  as  firmly  believing  in  the  re¬ 
lation  as  they  do.  If  there  is  such  a  place  existing 
as  is  described  by  the  eloquent  St.  Basil,  methinks 
it  must  be  near  unto  the  balmy  islands  which  you 
have  discovered,  so  similar  in  climate  and  ver- 

dancv. 

«/ 


Columbus. 

Such,  indeed,  has  often  been  my  own  opinion, 
and  I  deem  it  not  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  other, 
which  holds  to  the  proximity  of  Cathay.  Oh  that 
I  might,  through  the  grace  of  God  and  intercession 
of  the  saints,  ever  arrive  at  that  blessed  spot,  where 


however,  it  was  rather  a  subject 
of  pleasant  contemplation  than  ac¬ 
tual  belief.  He  speaks  respecting 
it  always  with  a  qualification :  “  If 
there  be  a  terrestrial  paradise  on 
earth,  doubtless  it  cannot  be  far 
from  these  places.” —  Vide  infra , 
Letter  to  Piero  de  Medci. 

Columbus,  on  the  contrary,  was 
full  of  enthusiasm  upon  the  sub¬ 
ject,  and  looked  upon  it  as  having 
an  undoubted  existence.  These 
opinions  are  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  as  they  were  entertained  by 
many  philosophers  of  that  and  pre¬ 
vious  ages.  The  most  fanciful 
accounts  were  given  of  this  imagi¬ 


nary  spot  and  its  presumed  locali¬ 
ty. — Some  placed  it  in  the  grand 
oasis  of  Arabia,  others  in  the  Holy 
Land,  and  others  again  in  India. 
Wherever  located,  it  was  the  gar¬ 
den  of  Eden,  and  the  waters  of 
the  great  fountain  therein,  are  said 
by  St.  Ambrose  to  have  emptied 
themselves  into  an  immense  lake, 
with  such  awful  noise  that  all  the 
people  living  in  the  neighbourhood 
were  born  deaf.  Columbus  thought 
that  the  immense  mass  of  fresh 
water,  which  filled  the  Gulf  of 
Paria,  came  from  this  fountain. — 
Irving ,  vol.  ii.  p.  922 — 924. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


91 


all  is  beauty  and  happiness ;  where  the  harmonious  chapter 

]iotes  of  the  birds  ever  fall  gratefully  on  the  ear ; - 

where  the  air  is  filled  with  the  aroma  of  sweet 
flowers,  and  a  perpetual  spring,  combining  with  its 
own  beauties  those  of  every  other  season  of  the 
year,  continually  prevails  ;  where  the  limpid  waters 
flow  smoothly  and  gently,  or  gush  forth  in  pure 
fountains,  ever  ready  for  the  thirsty  mouth,  the 
liquid  exhilarating,  but  never  cloying;  where  all 
is  perennial  youth,  and  neither  decay  nor  death  are 
known.  But  I  perceive,  Signor  Vespucci,  that  you 
are  incredulous,  also,  as  to  this  blissful  region,  and 
even  smile  at  my  belief.  Remember,  then,  that 
herein  I  only  follow  the  opinions  of  wise  and 
learned  fathers  of  the  church ;  but  in  regard  to 
Cathay,  that  I  am  supported  by  ample  proof,  from 
the  discoveries  of  travellers  and  the  relations  of 
cosmographers. 

Americus. 

I  am  ever  willing  to  yield  to  proof ;  but  methinks 
that  the  foundation  of  the  error  under  which  I  con¬ 
ceive  your  Excellency  to  labour  is  this :  that  you 
do  not  make  a  sufficient  allowance  for  exaggeration 
in  the  accounts  of  the  great  traveller,* Marco  Polo. 

It  appears  to  me  that  he  has  deceived  himself  as  to 
the  extent  to  which  he  penetrated,  and  that  there¬ 
by  he  has  carried  out  the  eastern  coast  of  Cathay 
too  far  into  the  ocean.  That  being  done,  the 
learned  physician,  my  countryman,  in  following 
him,  finds  it  necessary  to  shorten  the  extent  of 


92 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


% 


CHAPTER 

V. 


ocean,  which  intervenes  between  Cathay  and  Eu¬ 
rope,  in  order  to  render  accurate  his  estimate  of  the 
circumference  of  the  globe. 

Columbus. 

I  note  your  objections,  but  cannot  deem  them 
correct,  and  yet  hope  to  deliver  the  letters  of  our 
sovereigns,  with  which  I  was  charged  in  my  recent 
voyage,  to  the  Grand  Khan  in  person.  But  let  us 
examine  accurately  into  this  question  of  longitude, 
for  therein  I  am  interested  deeply,  and  have  small 
doubt  that  I  can  turn  you  to  my  opinions. 

Americus. 

Most  gladly  will  I  do  so,  noble  Admiral,  for  I  am 
strongly  moved  to  tempt  the  ocean  myself,  in  the 
hope  of  adding  something  to  the  knowledge  of 
mariners. 

It  requires  but  a  slight  effort  of  the  imagination, 
to  fancy  the  two  great  navigators  seated  at  a  table 
covered  with  charts,  and  busily  occupied  in  explain¬ 
ing  to  each  other  their  peculiar  views.  Intense 
thought  is  pictured  on  the  countenances  of  both. 
Both  are  striving  to  fill  up  the  vast  void  of  the  At¬ 
lantic,  as  it  was  drawn  on  those  imperfect  maps, 
with  new  islands  and  continents,  and  as  the  world 
grows,  as  it  were,  beneath  their  hands,  they  seem 
themselves  half  amazed  at  the  boldness  of  their 
own  conceptions,  and  turn,  one  to  the  other,  for  en¬ 
couragement  and  approval. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Death  of  Berardi. — Payments  to  Americus. — Wreck  of  Fleet  fitted 
out  by  him. — His  Letter  to  Soderini. — Modesty  displayed  by  him. 
— Position  held  by  Americus  in  his  First  Voyage.- — Cosmography 
of  Ilacomilo. — Bibliotheca  Riccardiana. — Rene,  Titular  King  of 
Sicily  and  Jerusalem. — Hate  of  the  Voyage. — Herrera’s  State¬ 
ments. — The  Name  of  America. — Spanish  Archives. — Voyages  of 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda. — His  Evidence  in  the  Lawsuit  of  Don  Diego 
Columbus. — Silence  of  the  Cotemporary  Historians. — Negative  Ev¬ 
idence. — Extract  from  Gomara  on  the  Subject. — No  Disparagement 
of  Columbus. — Authenticity  of  the  Letters.— Feelings  of  Colum¬ 
bus. — His  Letter  respecting  Americus  to  his  Son. — General  Licen¬ 
ses  of  the  Crown  for  other  Voyages. 


In  consequence  of  the  death  of  Juan  Berardi,  CHApter 
which  occurred  in  the  month  of  December,  1495,  VL 
the  entire  management  of  their  business  affairs  de-  Beraidk 
volved  upon  Americus,  and  he  devoted  himself 
steadily  to  the  settlement  of  all  the  outstanding  ac¬ 
counts  of  the  house,  while  he  continued  to  con¬ 
duct  the  preparations  for  the  forwarding  of  new 
fleets  to  the  Indies.  The  researches  and  industry 
of  Navarre te  have  brought  to  light  many  documents 
bearing  upon  this  period  of  his  history.  The  pay¬ 
ment  of  various  sums  of  money  in  liquidation  of  the 
old  demands  of  the  house,  and  orders  of  the  public 
officers  for  various  other  sums,  clearly  indicate  the 
occupation  of  his  time.  On  the  12th  of  January, 

1496,  Bernardo  Pinelo,  the  treasurer  of  the  king- 


94 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


F.etter  to  Pi¬ 
ero  Soderi- 
ni.  filling  the 
gap  in  his 
history. 


dom,  paid  to  Amerieus  the  sum  of  10,000  marave- 
dis,  on  account  of  the  pay  and  subsistence  of  the 
mariners  of  one  of  the  expeditions  which  Berardi 
had  forwarded.  An  armament  which  was  in  course 
of  preparation  at  the  time  of  his  partner’s  death, 
under  the  contract  which  he  held  with  the  govern¬ 
ment,  was  despatched  by  Amerieus  on  the  3d  of 
February,  1496.  This  expedition,  on  the  18th  of 
the  same  month,  was  overtaken  by  a  violent  gale 
and  totally  wrecked ;  the  crews,  with  the  exception 
of  three  men  who  were  lost,  barely  escaping  with 
their  lives.1 

When  the  public  records  cease  to  mention  the 
name  of  Amerieus,  his  own  letter  to  Piero  Soderini, 
his  old  schoolmate  and  friend,  which  is  given  in  the 
next  chapter,  and  which  describes  the  events  of  the 
first  voyage  of  the  navigator  to  the  New  World,  op¬ 
portunely  fills  up  the  gap  which  was  left  in  his  his¬ 
tory.  There,  in  his  own  words,  exists  an  interest¬ 
ing  and  minute  account  of  the  perils  of  the  naviga¬ 
tion  and  of  the  strange  countries  which  he  visited 
in  his  absence,  with  the  manners  and  customs  of 
their  inhabitants.  It  is  only  to  be  regretted  that 
the  modesty  of  the  writer  did  not  permit  him  to 
dwell  more  at  large  upon  his  own  personal  adven¬ 
tures,  and  the  immediate  part  which  he  took  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  discoveries. 

There  is  no  way  of  determining  the  rank  or  posi¬ 
tion  which  Amerieus  occupied  in  his  first  expedi- 

1  See  Translation  of  Documents  from  the  Collection  of  Navarr^te. 
-—See  also  Irving ,  voL  ii.  p.  881. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


95 


lion.  It  is  evident,  however,  from  his  own  letters, 
as  well  as  from  the  records  of  the  times,  that  he  did 
not  hold  the  command.  He  says  himself  that  he 
was  chosen  to  11  assist'7  in  the  discoveries  by  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  that  expression  confirms  the 
view  which  is  taken  below,  that  he  accompanied 
the  fleet  as  an  aid  to  the  commanders  in  their  navi¬ 
gation,  and  as  a  private  agent  of  the  king ;  that  he 
occupied  a  position  analogous  to  that  of  the  mem¬ 
bers  of  scientific  corps,  who  are  usually  despatched 
at  the  present  day  in  exploring  voyages.  It  is  pos¬ 
sible,  however,  that  he  might  have  held  a  recog¬ 
nized  rank,  and  that  the  movements  of  the  ships 
might  have  been  in  some  measure  under  his  control, 


for  he  is  spoken  of  by  some  historians  who  have 
written  concerning  him,  as  “  one  of  the  principal 
pilots  and  sea  captains. 7,1 

It  would  not  be  proper  to  lay  the  letter  of  Amer- 
icus  to  Piero  Soderini  before  the  reader,  without 
noticing,  as  briefly  as  possible,  consistently  with  a 
fair  statement  of  the  case,  the  question  which  has 
been  discussed  by  historical  critics,  touching  the  ac¬ 
curacy  of  its  date  and  its  authenticity.  It  seems 
hardly  worth  while  to  enter  into  any  argument  re¬ 
specting  the  direction  of  the  epistle,  although  this 
also  has  been  the  subject  of  much  dispute  among 
authors.  As  far  as  can  now  be  ascertained,  the 
most  ancient  impression  of  the  letter  is  found  in  a 
volume  of  cosmography,  written  by  Martin  Ilaco- 


'  Dissertazione  Giustificativa,  tom.  iii.  p.  101.  Giuntini,  tom.  ii„ 
<^uestione  III.  sec.  25.  Canovai,  p,  832,  833. 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


Proper  ad¬ 
dress  of  the 
letter  of 
Americus 


96 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


inilo,  which  was  published  in  Latin  at  Strasburg,  in 
the  year  1509.  Neither  of  the  biographers,  Bandini 
or  Canovai,  appear  to  have  been  cognizant  of  this 
edition,  and  in  it  the  letter  is  addressed  to  Rene, 
Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  and  King  of  Jerusalem 
and  Sicily.  All  the  letters  in  the  work  of  Bandini 
are  taken  from  records  in  the  celebrated  collection 
of  the  Bibliotheca  Riccardiana,  from  the  text  of 
Ramusio,  and  from  a  pamphlet  which  Canovai  calls 
the  edition  of  Valori.1 

« 


1  Canovai,  tom.  i.  p.  11.  The 
edition  of  Valori  was  a  pamphlet 
of  sixteen  maps,  with  the  four  voy¬ 
ages  of  Americus  attached  to  it, 
which  Canovai  found  in  the  pos¬ 
session  of  the  Marchese  Gino  Cap- 
poni,  whom  he  describes  as  “a 
great  and  very  studious  lover  of 
good  books.”  He  says,  moreover, 
that  “  this  edition  exhibits  correc¬ 
tions  in  various  places ;  and  time, 
and  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  fire,  has 
done  considerable  damage  to  the 
margin  of  many  pages.”  He  calls 
it  “the  edition  of  Valori,”  because 
Bacci  Valorii,  xTr>fl,ti  was  found 
written  on  the  title-page.  Ramu¬ 
sio,  in  the  first  volume  of  his  col¬ 
lection  of  voyages,  preserves  the 
two  voyages  of  Americus  in  the 
service  of  Portugal  and  the  second 
letter  to  Lorenzo  de’  Medici. 

Rene  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine  and 
Bar,  was  bom  in  the  year  1451, 
and  succeeded  his  grandfather 
Nicholas  on  the  throne  of  the 
duchy  in  1473.  This  prince  was 
much  celebrated  in  the  age  in 
which  he  lived.  He  was  more 
than  once  expelled  from  his  do¬ 


minions  by  the  Duke  of  Burgun¬ 
dy,  with  whom  he  carried  on  con¬ 
tinual  wars,  which  ended  at  last 
in  the  death  of  his  rival,  in  a  fierce 
battle  fought  under  the  walls  of 
his  capital,  Nancy.  In  the  year 
1486,  the  Neapolitan  nobility,  who 
were  in  insurrection  against  their 
king,  Ferdinand,  offered  him  the 
throne  of  that  kingdom.  He  made 
an  attempt  to  take  possession  of  it 
aided  by  French  troops,  but  was 
obliged  to  return  without  success 
to  his  own  domains,  in  consequence 
of  troubles  which  the  King  of 
France  caused  there.  Neverthe¬ 
less,  he  assumed  the  title  of  King 
of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  and  quar¬ 
tered  their  amis  with  his  own. 
It  was  but  an  empty  title,  how¬ 
ever,  for  he  never  succeeded  in  es¬ 
tablishing  his  claims.  He  died  on 
the  10th  of  December,  1508. 

This  Prince  was  noted  as  well 
for  his  love  of  literature  as  for 
the  prowess  of  his  arms,  and  ren¬ 
dered  his  capital  and  court  a  fa¬ 
vourite  resort  for  learned  men  of 
all  countries.  It  is  more  than 
probable  that  he  caused  the  pub- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


97 


Bandini  considers  it  useless  to  speculate  upon  chapter 

A  VI. 

this  subject  of  the  direction,  and  accounts  for  the - : — 

fact  that  it  is  different  in  different  copies,  by  sup¬ 
posing  that  after  the  original  had  been  sent  to  So- 
derini,  Americus  forwarded  copies  to  various  friends 
and  persons  of  quality,  one  of  which  was  afterwards 
published  by  the  King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem,  as 
directed  to  himself.  Navarre te  adopts  the  Latin 
edition  above  mentioned,  and  gives  the  same  ad¬ 
dress,  but  it  is  said  that  since  the  publication  of  his 
collection  of  voyages,  the  original  Latin  manuscript 
itself  has  been  discovered  among  the  scrolls  of  the 
Riccardi  palace,  which  is  directed  to  Soderini.  As 
far  as  any  judgment  can  be  formed  from  the  inter¬ 
nal  evidence  of  the  document  itself,  the  address  was 
that  which  is  given  in  this  work,  for  it  speaks  of 
the  old  student-friendship  of  the  writer  with  his 
correspondent,  in  a  manner  which  he  would  not 
have  been  likely  to  have  made  use  of  toward  a  per¬ 
son  of  a  royal  birth.1 

Whatever  may  be  the  opinion  of  critics  as  to  the  Authentici- 

,  1  ty  of  the  iet- 

address,  the  authenticity  of  the  letter  itself  is  un-  ter  undoubt- 
doubted.  No  one  undertakes  to  question  that  it  derr°fraHer' 
was  written  by  Americus  himself;  and,  until  the 
publication  of  the  History  of  Herrera,  in  1601,  it 
was  received  by  all  literary  and  scientific  men  as 
an  accurate  and  veracious  account.  That  writer 

lication  of  the  accounts  of  Amer-  from  St.  Altai's  L'Art  de  verifier 
icus,  as  addressed  to  himself,  with  les dates  des  f aits  Historiques,  tom. 
a  view  of  adding  to  his  literary  xiii.  p.  410 — 412. 
celebrity. — Chronologic  His  torique  1  Letter  to  Soderini,  chap.  vii. 

des  Rois  et  Dues  de  Lorraine , 

13 


9S 


LIFE  AND  V0VAC4ES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VI 


\ 


Historical 
evidence  of 
the  accuru- 
cy  of  Amer- 
icus. 


asserted,  without  a  particle  of  proof,  and  on  his 
own  unsupported  authority,  that  Vespucius  had 
artfully  and  wilfully  falsified  in  his  narrative,  and 
that  he  did  so  with  the  view  of  stealing  from  Co¬ 
lumbus  the  honour  of  being  the  discoverer  of  the 
continent  of  America,  changing,  for  this  purpose, 
the  date  of  his  first  voyage,  from  1499  to  1497. 
Spanish  authors  of  that  day,  and  ever  since,  have 
gladly  seized  upon  this  charge,  and  given  it  cur¬ 
rency  in  their  writings ;  while  foreign  historians, 
from  indifference  to  the  subject,  or  want  of  means 
of  correct  information,  circulated  the  slander.  In 
this  way  it  became  the  generally  received  opinion 
of  the  world,  and  most  people  consider  Americus 
Vespucius  as  little  better  than  an  impostor,  while 
the  few  who  acquit  him  of  intentional  fraud,  attrib¬ 
ute  the  mistake,  as  they  are  pleased  to  consider  it, 
to  an  error  of  the  press,  or  some  similar  accident. 

This  latter  class  of  critics,  as  well  as  the  malign¬ 
ers  of  the  navigator,  assume,  that  one  of  the  princi¬ 
pal  effects  of  this  change  of  date  was,  to  confer 
upon  the  new  continent  the  name  of  America. 
That  this,  at  least,  was  not  the  case,  will  be  satis¬ 
factorily  shown  to  the  reader  in  another  place.  If 
a  plausible,  though  hardly  a  fair  argument,  had 
been  wanting,  to  substantiate  the  accuracy  of  Amer¬ 
icus,  surely  the  fact  that  his  name  was  attached  to 
the  New  World  so  soon  after  his  voyages,  might 
be  adduced,  and  brought  to  bear  with  much  more 
force  in  his  favour  than  it  could  ever  be  used 
against  him.  But  it  is  much  more  satisfactory  and 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


99 


convincing  to  examine  the  proof  which  history 
affords,  than  to  speculate  upon  probabilities.  The 
Spanish  archives  of  the  day  make  no  mention  of 
Americus  after  the  year  1496,  until  1505,  an  inter¬ 
val  of  about  eight  years ;  while,  both  before  that 
interval  and  subsequently,  his  name  appears  very 
often  in  the  documents  which  have  been  brought  to 
light.  If  he  did  not  sail  in  1497,  why  did  not 
Herrera  inform  the  world  how  and  in  what  way  he 
was  occupied  from  that  time  till  1499  ?  That  his¬ 
torian  and  Navarre te,  who  follows  in  his  footsteps, 
admit  his  connexion  with  Berardi,  the  agent  of 
the  fleets  of  Columbus,  and  the  latter  finds  evidence 
of  his  continued  connexion  with  the  business,  but 
only  until  1496,  Now  Columbus  sailed  in  1498, 
and  it  is  probable  that  Americus  would  have  aided 
in  the  fitting  out  of  his  third  voyage,  as  he  did  of 
the  second,  had  he  been  in  Spain  at  the  time. 
Herrera  himself,  though  accusing  Americus  of  un¬ 
blushing  impudence  and  fraud,  copies  the  principal 
portion  of  his  narrative  of  the  first  voyage  of  Alonzo 
de  Ojeda,  from  the  letter  to  Soderini.  He  mingles 
in  his  account  many  of  the  occurrences  of  the 
second  voyage  of  Americus,  with  matters  relating 
exclusively  to  Ojeda ;  and  then,  being  unable  to 
deny  that  the  Florentine  navigator  actually  made 
two  voyages,  in  the  service  of  Spain,  makes  Ameri¬ 
cus  accompany  Ojeda  in  the  second  voyage  of  the 
latter,  which  took  place  in  1502.  But  in  1502  it 
appears,  from  indisputable  evidence,  the  authority 
of  Gomara  and  many  others,  besides  that  of  the 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


100 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


Evidence  of 
Ojeda  in  the 
lawsuit  of 
Diego  Co¬ 
lumbus. 


iJ.ct  V  ij 


O 


;;itor 


himself,  that  Americas  was  in  the  service 


of  Portugal. 

Tlie  evidence  Ojeda  gave  in  the  lawsuit  which 
the  son  of  Columbus,  Don  Diego,  commenced  after 
the  death  of  his  father,  and  prosecuted  against 
the  crown  of  Spain,  is  much  relied  upon  to  prove 
inaccuracy  in  the  date  of  this  letter.  He  testifies, 
that  when  he  sailed  in  1499,  “he  took  with  him 
Juan  de  la  Cosa,  Americus  Vespucius,  and  other 
pilots.”  Admitting  that  Americus  did  sail  with 
Ojeda  at  this  time,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  he 
did  not  make  a  previous  voyage  in  1497,  and  it  is 
unfair  to  infer  that  he  did  not.  The  silence  of  the  co- 
temporary  historians  of  the  day,  with  respect  to  this 
voyage,  is  the  main  reliance  of  Dr.  Robertson,  when 
he  follows  the  lead  of  Herrera.  Gomara,  Benzoni, 
Peter  Martyr,  and  Oviedo  do  not,  it  is  true,  mention 
the  fact  of  this  discovery  in  1497 ;  but  if  an  argu¬ 
ment  drawn  from  this  source  proves  any  thing,  it 
undoubtedly  proves  too  much.  Neither  Gomara 
nor  Oviedo  allude  at  all  to  the  voyages  of  Ojeda, 
any  more  than  they  do  to  the  voyages  of  Americus, 
yet  it  is  universally  admitted  that  both  of  these 
mariners,  either  singly  or  in  company,  did  make 
two  voyages  to  the  New  World  at  about  this  time. 
Martyr  also  neglects  Ojeda  more  than  he  does 
Americus,  and  only  speaks  of  the  third  voyage  of 
the  navigator,  which  was  performed  in  the  service 
of  the  King  of  Portugal,  while  he  omits  the  com¬ 
panion  of  Columbus  altogether.  Benzoni  did  not 
pretend  to  write  a  history  of  the  discovery,  but 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


101 


merely  gives  an  account  of  what  he  himself  saw  chapter 
and  did  when  he  went  to  the  New  World  in  1541,  — — — 
nearly  half  a  century  after  the  disputed  event.1  A 
solution  of  this  difficulty  may  be  found  in  the  state¬ 
ment  of  Gomara  himself,  who  says :  u  Learning 
that  the  territories  which  Christopher  Columbus 
had  discovered  were  very  extensive,  many  persons 
proceeded  to  continue  the  exploration  of  them. 

Some  went  at  their  own  expense,  others  at  that  of 
the  king ;  all  thinking  to  enrich  themselves,  to  ac¬ 
quire  honour,  and  to  gain  the  royal  approbation. 

But  as  most  of  these  persons  did  nothing  but  dis¬ 
cover,  memorials  of  all  of  them  have  not  come 
to  my  knowledge,  especially  of  those  who  sailed 
towards  the  north,  nor  even  of  all  those  who  went 
in  the  direction  of  Paria,  from  the  year  1495  to  the 
year  1500k2 

Another,  and  perhaps  the  strongest  argument  Absence  of 

testimony  m 

adduced  by  the  followers  of  Herrera  to  support  their  the  lawsuit 

v  1  x  is  but  nega- 

views,  is  taken  from  the  absence  of 
ny  in  the  same  lawsuit  concerning  the  alleged 
discoveries  of  Americus.  The  object  of  this  pro- 


any  testuno-  uyeevi- 

J  dence. 


1  Robertson,  History  of  Ameri¬ 
ca,  vol.  i.  note  22. 

2  Gomara,  Historia  de  las  In- 
dias.  chap,  xxxvi.,  from  Barcia’s 
Early  Histories  of  the  West  Indies, 
vol.  ii. 

“  Entendiendo  quan  grandissimas 
tierras  eran  las  que  Christo val  Co¬ 
lon  descubria,  fueron  muchos  a  con¬ 
tinual-  el  descubrimiento  de  todas; 
unos  a  sua  costa,  otros  a  la  del 
Rey,  y  todos  pensando  enriquecer, 


ganar  fama,  y  medrar  con  los 
Reyes.  .  Pero  como  los  mas  de 
ellos  no  hicferon  sino  descubrir,  v 
gastarse,  no  quedo  memoria  de  to- 
dos,  que  yo  sepa :  especialmente 
de  los  que  navegaron  acia  el  norte, 
— ni  aun  de  todos  los  que  fueron 
por  la  otra  parte  de  Paria,  desde 
el  aho  de  mil  quatro-cientos  y  no- 
venta  y  cinco  hasta  el  de  mil  y 
quinientos.” 


102 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

ceeding,  on  the  part  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  was 
to  obtain  from  the  crown  the  government  of  cer¬ 
tain  territories  on  the  mainland  of  America,  and  a 
share  of  the  revenue  arising  from  them,  according 
to  the  stipulations  of  the  government  with  his 
father ;  and  the  crown,  in  contesting  this  claim,  are 
supposed  to  have  brought  forward  all  possible  proof, 
that  Columbus  did  not  discover  the  coast  of  Faria. 

fn  this  trial  nearly  one  hundred  witnesses  were 
examined  on  oath,  yet  no  mention  is  made  of  the 
voyage  of  Americus  in  1497,  but  on  the  contrary, 
Ojeda  testifies  directly  that  Columbus  discovered 
Faria.  On  being  asked  how  he  knew  this,  he  re- 
plied  that  he  had  seen  the  map  which  Columbus 
sent  home  to  the  government,  of  the  lands  he  had 
discovered  in  1498,  and  immediately  started  himself 
on  a  voyage  of  exploration,  on  which  lie  used  the 
map,  and  found  it  to  be  correct.  It  is  urged  that 
Ojeda  must  have  known  the  fact,  if  Vespucius  had 
made  a  previous  discovery,  because  he  accompanied 
him  in  1499  :  and  the  crown  must  have  known  it 
also,  and  would  have  insisted  upon  it  in  this  suit,  if 
it  had  ever  taken  place.1 

All  this  is  but  negative  evidence  at  the  best,  and 
should  weigh  but  lightly  against  the  positive  state¬ 
ments  of  one  whose  integrity,  good  sense,  and  char¬ 
acter  are  unquestionable.  It  is  easy  to  conceive 
of  numerous  reasons  which  might  have  prevented 
the  government  from  bringing  forward  evidence  of 
this  voyage  ;  and  the  very  fact  that  Ojeda  navigated 

i  Navarretc,  Oolleccion,  &c.,  tom.  iii.  p.  539. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


103 


ill  1499,  with  a  chart  which  Columbus  had  sent  chapter 
home  in  1498,  while  Americas  himself  was  on  - — : — 
board  of  his  fleet,  may  have  been  the  reason  which 
led  him  to  look  upon  Columbus  as  its  first  discov¬ 
erer,  and  to  forget  the  date  of'  the  expedition  of 
Americas  in  1497,  which,  according  to  the  state¬ 
ment  of  Gomara,  was  one  out  of  many  that  were 
undertaken  about  that  time.  It  must  not  be  for¬ 
gotten,  that  this  evidence  was  given  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  year  1512,  and  the  commencement  of 
1513,  after  the  death  of  Americus  had  taken  place, 
and  at  a  distance  of  nearly  fifteen  years  from  the 
date  of  the  events  concerning  which  Ojeda  testifies.1 

After  all  that  can  be  said,  it  is  unimportant  to  come  a  decision 

i  t  ,  .  .  of  the  ques- 

to  any  decision  on  this  point.  Even  if  Americus  tion  is  after 

x  all  import- 

did  discover  the  mainland  before  Columbus  by  a  ant- 
few  months,  the  fact  takes  nothing  from  the  name 
and  fame  of  that  great  man.  He  at  any  rate  ar¬ 
rived  at  the  continent  without  assistance  from  any 
source  but  his  own  strength  of  mind,  and  to  him, 
whatever  may  have  been  the  good  fortune  of  any 
of  his  cotemporaries,  belongs  the  glory  of  the  grand 
discovery  of  a  New  World.  The  first  glimpse  that 
he  obtained  of  the  luxuriant  islands  of  the  Western 
Ocean  rendered  him  immortal,  and  all  subsequent 
discoveries  followed  his  own  almost  as  a  matter  of 
course. 

The  character  and  renown  of  Columbus  belong 
to  the  world,  and  it  is  impossible  to  sympathize 
with  any  of  those  historians  who  strive  to  depre- 

1  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  538. 


104 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  ciate  either,  for  the  sake  of  exalting  a  favourite  or 
fellow-countryman  of  their  own.  Americus  needs 
no  such  advocacy,  and  the  subject  has  been  consid¬ 
ered  in  the  foregoing  pages  solely  to  relieve  his 
character  from  the  gross  aspersions  which  have 
been  cast  upon  it,  by  those  who  foolishly  consider 
this  secondary  question  as  one  affecting  materially 
the  reputation  of  Columbus.  “  In  fact,”  as  is  well 
observed  by  the  distinguished  author  of  the  life  of 
the  great  Admiral,  “the  European  who  first  reached 
the  mainland  of  the  New  World  was  most  probably 
Sebastian  Cabot,  a  native  of  Venice,  sailing  in  the 
employ  of  England.  In  1497  he  coasted  the  shores 


from  Labrador  to  Florida,  yet  neither  the  English 
nor  the  Venetians  have  set  up  any  pretensions  on 
his  account.”1 

gumenti In  It;  is  much  more  charitable  to  attribute  an  error 
accUracy'of 111  t!le  (late  of  t5le  (irst  voyage,  if  the  reader  can  sup- 
Amerieiis.  pose  any  suci,  to  exist,  after  a  candid  consideration 

of  tlie  arguments  on  both  sides  of  the  question,  to 
the  negligence  of  the  early  publishers,  rather  than 
to  a  wilful  deception  on  the  part  of  the  writer.  It 
would  have  been  strange  indeed,  had  he  attempted 
any  misrepresentation  of  the  kind.  The  letters  are 
universally  acknowledged  to  have  been  written  with 
the  pen  of  Americus  himself;  they  purport  to  be  the 
account  of  an  eyewitness  of  the  events  which  he 
describes  ;  they  were  addressed  to  persons  of  great 
celebrity  in  the  world,  whom  it  certainly  would 
have  been  a  hard,  if  not  a  perilous  task,  to  deceive  : 

1  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  886. 


A 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


105 


they  give  full  accounts  of  events  which,  from  their 
extraordinary  nature,  must  have  down  upon  the 
wings  of  the  wind  to  the  remotest  quarters  of  civil¬ 
ized  Europe ;  if  falsified  in  any  particular,  there 
were  hundreds  who  stood  ready  to  contradict  and 
expose  to  public  indignation  their  author ;  yet  that 
author  occupies,  for  years  after  the  contested  ac¬ 
counts  are  published  and  translated  into  various 
tongues,  a  high  and  responsible  post  at  the  court  in 
whose  service  the  voyage  in  question  was  made. 
No  voice  is  raised  to  condemn  the  shameless  im¬ 
postor  ;  tor  such  Americus  must  have  been,  if  his 
calumniators  spoke  the  truth ;  but  so  far  from  it,  the 
very  man  whose  honours  and  merits  he  was  en¬ 
deavouring  to  appropriate  remains  his  warm  friend, 
and  commends  him  to  his  own  son,  in  a  letter 
which  has  been  fortunately  preserved  to  us,  as  one 
well  entitled  to  his  esteem  and  affection. 

Can  anyone  suppose  that  Columbus  would  have 
written  a  letter  like  the  one  which  follows,  con¬ 
cerning  a  man  who  was  wickedly  engaged  in  in- 
juring  the  reputation  so  dear  to  him  ? 

To  my  very  dear  Son ,  Don  Diego  Coiambus. 

At  the  Court. 

My  dear  Son, 

Diego  Mendez  departed  from  this  place  on  Mon¬ 
day,  the  third  of  this  month.  After  liis  departure,  I 
held  converse  with  Americus  V espucius,  the  bearer 
of  this  letter,  who  goes  to  court  on  some  business 
connected  with  navigation.  He  has  always  been 

14 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


Letter  of 
Columbus 
highly  com¬ 
mending 
Americus. 


106 


life  and  voyages  of 


chapter  desirous  of  serving  me,  and  is  an  honourable  man, 
vr.  > 

- though  fortune  has  been  unpropitious  to  him,  as  to 

many  others,  and  his  labours  have  not  been  as  prof¬ 
itable  as  lie  deserves.  He  goes  on  my  account,  and 
v  it n  a  great  desire  to  do  something  which  may  re¬ 
dound  to  my  advantage,  if  it  is  in  his  power. 

I  know  not,  here,  what  instructions  to  give  him 
that  will  benelit  me,  because  I  am  ignorant  what 
will  be  required  there.  He  goes  determined  to  do 
for  me  all  that  is  possible.  See  what  can  be  done 
to  advantage  there,  and  labour  for  it,  that  he  may 
know  and  speak  of  every  thing,  and  devote  himself 
to  the  work ;  and  let  every  thing  be  done  with  se- 
cresy,  that  no  suspicions  may  arise.  I  have  said  to 
him  all  that  I  can  say  touching  the  business,  and 
have  informed  him  of  all  the  payments  which  have 
been  made  to  me,  and  what  is  due. 

This  letter  is  intended  also  for  the  Adelantado, 
that  he  may  avail  himself  of  any  advantage  and  ad¬ 
vice  on  the  subject.  His  highness  believes  that  his 
ships  were  in  the  best  and  richest  portion  of  the 
Indies,  and  if  he  desires  to  know  any  thing  more  on 
the  subject,  I  will  satisfy  him  by  word  of  mouth, 
for  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  tell  by  letter.  May 
our  Lord  have  you  in  his  holy  keeping.  Done  at 
Seville,  February  5th,  1505. 

Thy  father,  who  loves  thee  better  than  himself, 

Christopher  Columbus.1 


1  Navarrete,  tom.  i.  p.  351 .  Irv-  The  signature  of  Columbus  is 
ing,  vol.  ii.  p.  882.  curious.  It  is  written  thus,  ap- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


107 


In  rescuing  this  letter  from  the  dust  of /the  Span-  chapter 
ish  archives,  Navarrete  has  done  good  service  in 
the  cause  of  truth,  and  furnished  an  important  link 
in  the  chain  of  evidence  which  will  establish,  it  is 
trusted  satisfactorily,  in  the  mind  of  the  reader,  the 
credibility  of  Americus.  But  if  any  thing  be  still 
wanting  to  confirm  him  in  such  an  opinion,  the  fact 
that  Fernando  Columbus,  the  biographer  of  his  fa¬ 
ther,  who  throughout  his  work  gives  constant  proof 
of  his  sensitiveness  with  regard  to  anything  touch¬ 
ing  the  honour  and  renown  of  the  Admiral,  makes 
not  the  slightest  mention  of  any  attempt  on  the 
part  of  Americus  to  appropriate  to  himself  any  por¬ 
tion  of  his  father’s  fame.  Is  it  probable,  that  he 

9 

would  have  passed  it  over  in  silence,  had  such  an 
attempt  been  made  ? 

As  far  as  was  possible,  a  candid  statement  of  the  General  u- 

eence  grant- 

poillt  in  dispute,  with  the  reasoning  on  both  sides  ed  by  the 

1  1  J  &  Court  for 

of  the  question,  has  been  given,  and  with  but  one  other  voy- 

J-  '  ~  1  ages. 

in,  savouring  very  strongly  of  the 
pedantry  of  his  times.  Xristus, 

Sancta  Maria,  Josephus,  is  one 
reading;  Salva  me  Xristus,  Maria, - 
Josephus,  another.  Neither  ap¬ 
pears  very  satisfactory,  and  the 
reader  has  the  same  right  to  exer¬ 
cise  his  ability  in  deciphering  it, 
and  may  arrive  as  nearly  at  the 
truth  as  any  conjectures  of  the 
critics  wilt  lead  him.  It  is  un¬ 
doubtedly  a  pious  exclamation, 
which  it  was  very  customary  in 
those  days  to  prefix  to  writings  as 
well  as  signatures. — Fernando  Co¬ 
lumbus ,  chap.  xi. 


pended  to  this  letter  as  well  as 
other  documents. 

S. 

S.  A.  S 
X  M  Y 
£PG  FERENS 
In  the  early  part  of  his  life  Co¬ 
lumbus  subscribed  himself,  Colum¬ 
bus  de  Terra  Rubra,  according  to 
the  history  of  Fernando  his  son, 
but  when  he  had  acquired  celebri¬ 
ty,  he  adopted  the  form  above.  A 
great  many  opinions  have  been 
formed  as  to  the  meaning  of  these 
characters,  which  are  an  incon¬ 
gruous  mixture  of  Greek  and  Lat- 


108 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER 

VI. 


additional  suggestion,  the  subject  will  be  dropped. 
It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  for  a  number  of  years 
previous  to  his  departure  upon  his  third  voyage, 
Columbus  was  annoyed  and  persecuted  by  the 
attacks  of  his  enemies  at  court,  and  by  the  doubts 
and  vacillation  of  King  Ferdinand  ;  and  as  Herrera 
emphatically  declares,  he  made  frequent  remon¬ 
strance  against  the  various  expeditions  which  were 
undertaken,  under  the  general  license  which  had 
been  given  by  the  crown  for  private  adventurers,  to 
prosecute  discoveries  in  the  Indies,  and  only  suc¬ 
ceeded,  after  long  solicitation,  in  obtaining  a  small 
squadron  for  his  enterprise  in  1498.  There  is 
nothing  to  contradict  the.  supposition  that  the  expe¬ 
dition  of  Americus  was  one  of  those  which  the 
Admiral  supposed  to  interfere  with  his  own  rights  : 
a  private  undertaking  altogether,  but  at  the  same 
time  one  in  which  Vespucius  went,  at  the  command 
of  the  king,  to  assist  in  the  discoveries.”  With 
this  view  of  the  case,  it  is  easy  to  account  for  the 
non-appearance  of  any  public  documents  in  the 
archives  relating  to  the  voyage. 


/ 


\ 


\ 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Piero  Soderini. — His  Character. — Elected  Gon- 
faloniere  of  Florence. — His  Fall  and  Banishment. — His  Death  at 
Rome. — Letter  of  Ainericus  to  him,  describing  his  First  Voyage. — 
His  Reasons  for  Writing. — Sails  from  Cadiz,  May  10th,  1497. — 
Arrives  at  the  Grand  Canaries. — Arrives  at  the  New  World. — Ap¬ 
pearance  of  the  Inhabitants. — Sails  along  the  Coast. — Their  Weap¬ 
ons  and  their  Wars. — Mode  of  Life. — Religion  and  Laws. — Then- 
Riches. — Their  System  of  Physic. — Burial  Rites. — Their  Food. — » 
Ignami. — Finds  trifling  Indications  of  Gold. — Venezuela. — Treach¬ 
ery  of  the  Inhabitants. — Fight  with  them. — Five  Prisoners. — Their 
Artful  Escape. — Singular  Animals. — Fish  made  into  Flour. — Amer- 
icus  received  by  another  Tribe  with  great  Honour. — Laughable  Oc¬ 
currence. — Establishes  Baptismal  Fonts. — Lariab. — Cannibalism. — 
Repairing  the  Ships. — Sail  for  the  Islands. — Battle  with  the  Natives. 
— Slave  Prisoners. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Cadiz,  15th  of  Oc¬ 
tober,  1498. 

I 

Piero  Soderini,  to  whom  the  following  letter  was 
addressed  by  Americus,  was  born  in  Florence,  in 
the  year  1450.  He  was  the  son  of  Tomaso  Sode¬ 
rini,  of  whom  mention  lias  been  made  in  a  previous 
chapter,  and  was  educated  by  the  good  Friar  Geor- 
gio  Antonio,  in  company  with  the  navigator.  As 
he  grew'  up,  the  friendship  which  subsisted  between 
the  two  young  men  was  strengthened  by  a  great 
similarity  of  character  in  many  respects.  Both 
were  devotedly  attached  to  their  country,  and  both 
lived  to  do  it  honour. 

When,  a  few  years  after  the  death  of  Lorenzo  the 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


Sketch  of 
the  Life  of 
Piero  Sode¬ 
rini. 


no 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


Cl  I A  PTE  r! 
VII. 


His  Charac¬ 
ter. 


Magnificent,  the  Florentines  returned  to  their  an¬ 
cient  democratic  form  of  government,  and  expelled 
Piero,  his  son,  with  all  the  members  of  that  power¬ 
ful  family  from  the  city,  they  sought  among  their 
distinguished  citizens  for  one  whom  they  might 
trust  to  restore  and  preserve  their  rights  and  liber¬ 
ties.  The  state  was  in  great  confusion  and  anarchy, 
and  it  behooved  them  to  select  for  their  chief  magis¬ 
trate  a  man  of  undoubted  patriotism,  who  would 
administer  the  laws  with  prudence  and  firmness. 
After  much  deliberation,  their  choice  fell  upon  Piero 
Soderini.  His  known  probity,  his  wealth,  his  love 
for  the  arts  and  sciences,  and  the  prominent  part  he 
took  in  the  measures  which  resulted  in  the  revolu¬ 
tion,  all  influenced  hi-;  election,  and,  on  the  16th  of 
August,  1502,  he  was  unanimously  called  to  preside 
over  the  destinies  of  the  republic,  with  the  title  of 
Perpetual  Gonfaloniere. 

The  character  of  Soderini  was  too  mild  and  amia¬ 


ble  to  allow  him  to  abuse  the  privileges  of  his  high 

A  u  O 

station.  On  the  contrary,  he  hardly  insisted  suffi¬ 
ciently  upon  his  rights,  to  ensure  the  stability  of  his 
power.  He  loved  to  lend  his  patronage  to  men  of 
letters  and  artists,  and  his  palace  was  thronged  with 
all  the  sculptors  and  painters  of  the  day  who  had 
attained  any  celebrity  in  their  professions.  Poets 
and  philosophers  flocked  to  his  court  as  they  did  to 
that  of  the  great  Lorenzo,  but,  unlike  him,  Soderini 


left  more  memorials  of  his  devotion  to  literature  and 
art,  than  of  his  statesmanship.  During  his  admin¬ 
istration,  however,  the  republic  waged  war  with 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


Ill 


Pisa,  with  great  activity,  and  finally,  in  the  year  chapter 

VIl. 

1509,  succeeded  in  subduing  that  city.  — - 

The  assistance  of  the  French  had  been  of  great  he  deposi- 

^  _  tion  and 

assistance  to  Soderini,  in  the  expulsion  of  the  Medi-  banishment, 
ci  and  his  own  elevation,  and  he  always  remained 
warmly  attached  to  that  nation.  He  gave  his  con¬ 
sent  to  the  measure  which  Louis  XII.  projected,  of 
assembling  a  council  at  Pisa  for  the  purpose  of  de¬ 
posing  Pope  Julius  II.,  and  that  pontiff  never  for¬ 
gave  him  for  the  affront.  When  the  French  evacu- 

o 

ated  Italy  in  1512,  he  stimulated  the  Viceroy  of 
Naples  in  Tuscany  to  attempt  the  re-establishment  - 
of  the  Medici  familv.  The  movement  was  success- 
ful.  The  city  was  taken  by  surprise  on  the  30th  of 
August,  1512,  and  was  given  up  to  pillage  and  mas¬ 
sacre.  The  partisans  of  the  Medici  broke  into  the 
public  palace  tumultuously,  and  surprised  Soderini 
in  his  apartments.  They  confined  him  in  chairis, 
and  the  next  day  the  Signory  passed  an  act  depo¬ 
sing;  him  from  his  office,  after  lie  had  served  the  state 
for  upwards  of  ten  years,  without  giving  occasion  for 
the  slightest  murmur  of  dissatisfaction  among  the 
peaceable  citizens. 

The  day  following  his  deposition,  he  was  con¬ 
ducted  to  the  frontiers  of  the  republic,  escorted  by  a 
strong  guard,  and  banished  for  ever.  He  went  iin- 
mediately  to  Ragusa,  where  be  remained  till  the 
election  of  Leo  X.  to  the  papal  chair.  Though  a 
Medici  himself,  this  pontiff  was  too  generous  to 
cheAsh  an  old  enmity,  and  invited  Soderini  to 
Rome,  remembering  rather  the  services  of  the  fa- 


112 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


9 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


tlier  of  Piero  towards  his  family,  than  the  more  re¬ 
cent  doings  of  the  son.  At  the  pontifical  court  he 
was  received  with  much  distinction,  although  he 
never  wavered  in  his  attachment  to  the  rights  of  his 
countrymen  and  the  cause  of  liberty.  He  ended  his 
days  at  Home,  and  died  regretted  and  respected  by 
all  the  intelligent -and  patriotic  men  of  the  day.1 


L  etterof  Americus  to  Piero  Soderini ,  Perpetual  Gon¬ 
falonier  e  of  the  Republic  of  Florence ,  giving  an 
account  of  Ids  First  Voyage .2 

Most  Excellent  Sir  : — 

(After  my  3 nimble  reverence  and  due  commenda¬ 
tion) — It  may  be  that  your  Excellency,  with  your 
well-known  wisdom,  will  be  astonished  at  my  te¬ 
merity,  in  that  I  have  been  so  absurdly  moved  to 
address  you  my  present  very  prolix  letter,  knowing 
that  your  Excellency  is  continually  occupied  in  the 
arduous  duties  and  pressing  business  of  State.  I 
may  be  termed  not  only  presumptuous,  but  idle, 
in  writing  things  neither  convenient  nor  pleasing  to 
your  state,  and  which  were  formerly  written  in 
barbarous  style,  destitute  of  the  polish  of  literature, 
and  directed  to  Don  Ferdinand,  king  of  Castile  ; 
but  the  confidence  I  have  in  your  virtues,  as  well 
as  in  the  truth  of  what  I  write,  concerning  things 


1  Biog.  Universclle,  tom.  xlii.  p. 
567,  568. 

2  The  direction  of'  the  letter  in 
the  edition  of  Gruniger,  which  is 
followed  by  Navarrete,  reads  as 


follows  :  To  tlje  Most  Illustrious, 
the  King  of  Jerusalem  and  Sicily, 
the  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar. 
— Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  191*. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

described  neither  by  ancient  nor  modern  authors, 
has  emboldened  me  in  my  undertaking. 

The  principal  reason  why  I  am  induced  to  write, 
is  the  request  of  the  bearer,  Benvenuto  Benvenuti, 
the  devoted  servant  of  your  Excellency,  and  my 
very  particular  friend.  He  happened  to  be  here  in 
this  city  of  Lisbon,  and  requested  that  I  would  im¬ 
part  to  your  Excellency  a  description  of  the  things 
seen  by  me  in  various  climes,  in  the  course  of  four 
voyages  which  I  have  made  for  the  discovery  of 
new  lands,  two  by  the  authority  and  command  of 
Don  Ferdinand  VI.,  the  King  of  Castile,  in  the 
great  Western  Ocean,  and  the  other  two  by  order 
of  Don  Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  towards  the 
south.  So  I  resolved  to  write  to  your  Excellency, 
and  set  about  the  performance  of  my  task,  because 
I  am  certain  that  your  Excellency  counts  me  among 
the  number  of  your  most  devoted  servants ;  remem¬ 
bering  that  in  the  time  of  our  youth,  we  were 
friends,  going  daily  to  study  the  rudiments  of  gram¬ 
mar,  under  the  excellent  instruction  of  the  venera¬ 
ble  and  religious  Brother  of  St.  Mark,  Friar  Georgio 
Antonio  Vespucci,  my  uncle,  whose  counsels,  would 
to  God  I  had  followed  !  for  then,  as  Petrarch  says, 
I  should  have  been  a  different  man  from  what  I  am. 

However  that  may  be,  I  do  not  complain,  inasmuch 
as  I  have  always  delighted  in  those  things  which 
are  virtuous,  and  in  literary  pursuits ;  and  now  that 
these  my  trifling  affairs  may  not  be  disagreeable  to 
your  virtuous  mind,  I  will  say  to  you,  as  Pliny  said 
to  Meccenas,  u  You  were  once  accustomed  to  be 
•  15 


113 

CHAPTER 

VII. 


Reasons  of 

Americus 
for  writing. 


114 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 
VI  [. 


pleased  with  my  prattling.  '1  However  constantly 
employed  you  may  be  in  public  affairs,  you  can  snatch 
some  hours  of  relaxation,  for  the  purpose  of  reading 
those  things  which,  however  trifling,  will  amuse  by 
their  novelty ;  for  with  the  cares  and  engrossment 
of  business,  these  letters  of  mine  will  mingle,  as  it 
is  customary  to  mingle  fennel  with  savoury  viands, 
to  dispose  them  for  better  digestion.  And  if  per¬ 
chance  I  am  more  prolix  than  I  ought  to  be,  I  ask 
your  Excellency's  pardon. 

^  our  Excellency  will  please  to  observe,  that  I 
came  into  the  kingdom  of  Spain  for  the  purpose  of 
engaging  in  mercantile  affairs,  and  that  I  continued 
to  be  thus  employed  about  four  years,  during  which 
time  I  saw  and  experienced  the  fickle  movements 
of  fortune,  and  how  she  ordered  the  changes  of 
these  transitory  and  perishing  worldly  goods  ;  at 
one  time  sustaining  a  man  at  the  top  of  the  wheel, 
and  at  another  returning  him  to  the  lowest  part 
thereof,  and  depriving  him  of  her  favours,  which 
may  tfuly  be  said  to  be  lent.2  Thus  having  ex¬ 
perienced  the  continual  labour  of  one  who  would 
acquire  her  favours,  subjecting  myself  to  vastly 
many  inconveniences  and  dangers,  I  concluded  to 
abandon  mercantile  affair^  and  direct  my  attention 


1  lie  meant  to  have  said,  “  as 
Catullus  said  to  Cornelius  Nepos.” 
This  mistake  goes  but  little  way  to 
prove  a  want  of  classical  informa-- 
t ion,  which  Navarrete  seems  in¬ 
clined  to  impute  to  the  naviga¬ 
tor. 


2  These  four  years  may  be  con¬ 
sidered  to  be  the  four  which  pre¬ 
ceded  his  departure  on  his  first 
voyage  in  1497,  embracing  the 
time  of  his  connexion  with  Berar- 
di,  and  his  management  of  the  bu 
siness  after  his  partner’s  death. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


115 


» 


* 


to  something  more  laudable  and  stable.  For  this 
purpose  I  prepared  myself  to  visit  various  parts  of 
the  world,  and  see  the  wonderful  things  which 
might  be  found  therein.  Time  and  place  were 
very  opportunely  offered  me. 

King  Ferdinand  of  Castile  had  ordered  four  ships 
to  go  in  search  of  new  lands,  and  I  was  selected  bv 
his  highness  to  go  in  that  fleet,  in  order  to  assist  in 
the  discoveries.  We  sailed  from  the  port  of  Cadiz 
on  the  tenth  day  of  May,  A.  D.  1497,  and  steering 
our  course  through  the  great  Western  Ocean,  spent 
eighteen  months  in  our  expedition,  discovering 
much  land,  and  a  great  number  of  islands,  the 
largest  part  of  which  were  inhabited.1  As  these 
are  not  spoken  of  by  ancient  writers,  I  presume 
they  were  ignorant  of  them.  If  I  am  not  mis¬ 
taken,  I  well  remember  to  have  read  in  one  of 
their  books  which  I  possessed,  that  this  ocean  wa  s 
considered  unpeopled ;  and  our  poet  Dante  also  held 
this  opinion,  judging  by  the  twenty-sixth  canto  of 
L’Inferno,  where  he  sings  the  fate  of  Ulysses.2  In 


1  Giuntini  writes  17  as  required 
by  the  departure  on  10th  May, 

1497,  and  return  on  15th  October, 

1498.  But  Giuntini  also  has  the 
departure  on  the  20th  of  May,  and 
arrival  on  25th  of  October.  It  is 
•easy  to  infer  that  the  first  transla¬ 
tor  of  this  voyage  took  from  his 
•manuscript  the  figure  2  for  the 
figure  1. —  Canovai .  Viaggi,  &c., 
tomi.  p49,  note.  Navarrete  cav¬ 
ils  unnecessarily  at  this  very  nat¬ 
ural  inaccuracy.  The  voyage  ac¬ 


tually  took  seventeen  months  and 
five  days,  but  in  his  introductory 
remarks,  Vespucius  speaks  ap¬ 
proximately. — Navarrete ,  tom.  iii. 

2 1  Oh  !  brothers.’  I  began,  ‘  who  to  the  west 

Through  perils  without  number  now 

have  reached 

To  this  the  short  remaining  watch, 
that  yet 

Our  senses  have  to  wake,  refuse  not 
proof 

Of  the  unpeopled  world,  following  the 
track 

Of  Phoebus.’ 

Carey's  Davie*  Canto  xxvi.  p.  181, 132. 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


0 


9 


■* 


( 


116 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  this  voyage  I  saw  many  astonishing  things,  as  your 
Excellency  will  perceive  by  the  following  relation  : 


VOYAGE  THE  FIRST.1 


Departure  In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1497,  on  the  tenth  dav 

from  Cadiz, 

May  wth,  of  May,  as  before  stated,  we  left  the  port  of  Cadiz 
with  four  ships  in  company.2  The  first  land  we 
made  was  that  of  the  Fortunate  Islands,  which  are 
now  called  the  Grand  Canaries,  situated  in  the  West¬ 
ern  Ocean,  as  far  as  the  habitable  world  was  sup¬ 
posed  to  extend,  being  located  in  the  third  climate, 
where  the  North  Pole  is  elevated  twenty-seven  and 
a  half  degrees  above  the  horizon,  and  distant  from 
the  city  of  Lisbon  (where  this  letter  is  written) 
two  hundred  and  eighty  leagues.  Having  arrived 
here,  with  south  and  southerly  winds,  we  tarried 
eight  days,  taking  in  wood  and  water  and  other 
necessaries,  when,  having  offered  up  our  prayers, 
we  weighed  anchor  and  set  sail,  steering  a  course 
west  by  south. 

We  sailed  so  rapidly,  that  at  the  end  of  twenty- 


1  Giuntini,  Canovai,  and  Navar- 
rete,  all  introduce  this  with  the 
following  heading,  which  is  omit¬ 
ted  in  the  text.  “  Description 
of  various  lands  and  islands  not 
spoken  of  by  ancient  authors  found 
in  the  year  1497,  and  thereafter 
in  four  voyages,  that  is,  two  in  the 
W estern  Ocean  under  the  authority 
of  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile,  and 
the  other  two  in  the  South  Sea,  in 


the  name  of  Emanuel,  King  of 
Portugal.  Americus  Vespucius, 
one  of  the  principal  pilots  and  sea 
captains,  sending  the  following  ac¬ 
count  of  them  to  the  aforesaid  Fer¬ 
dinand,  King  of  Castile.” 

2  The  addition  of  Gruniger  gives 
the  date  of  the  departure  as  20th 
of  May.  On  comparison  with 
other  editions,  this  appears  to  be 
an  error. 


-jS 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

seven  days  we  came  in  sight  of  land,  which  we 
judged  to  be  a  continent,  being  about  a  thousand 
leagues  west  of  the  Grand  Canaries,  and  within 
the  Torrid  Zone,  as  we  found  the  North  Pole  at  an 
elevation  of  six  degrees  above  the  horizon,  and  our 
instruments  showed  it  to  he  seventy-four  degrees 
farther  west  than  the  Canary  Islands.1  Here  we 
anchored  our  ships  at  a  league  and  a  half  from  the 
shore;  and,  having  cast  off  our  boats,  and  filled 
them  with  men  and  arms,  proceeded  at  once  to 
land. 

Before  we  landed  we  were  much  cheered  by  the 
sight  of  many  people  rambling  along  the  shore. 
We  found  that  they  were  all  in  a  state  of  nudity, 
and  they  appeared  to  be  afraid  of  us,  as  I  supposed 
from  seeing  us  clothed,  and  of  a  different  stature 
from  themselves.  They  retreated  to  a  mountain, 
and,  notwithstanding  all  the  signs  of  peace  and 
friendship  we  could  make,  we  could  not  bring  them 
to  a  parley  with  us  ;  so,  as  the  night  was  coming 
on,  and  the  ships  were  anchored  in  an  insecure 
place,  by  reason  of  the  coast  being  exposed,  we 
agreed  to  leave  there  the  next  day,  and  go  in  search 
of  some  port  or  bay  where  we  could  place  our  ships 
in  safety. 

We  sailed  along  the  coast  with  a  northwest 

1  The  degrees  of  which  he  ed  is  fifty -four  or  fifty-five  degrees, 
speaks  were,  as  mariners  then  cal-  The  instruments  of  the  sailors  of 
culated,  fifteen  leagues  each. — Na-  that  day  were  so  verv  inaccurate, 
varrete,  tom.  iii.  199,  note.  The  and  it  was  almost  impossible  to 
true  longitude  or  distance  from  the  measure  correctly  with  them. — 
Canaries  to  the  land  which  he  reach-  Canovai ,  tom.  i.  53. 


1 


117 

CHAPTER 

vn. 


First  land¬ 
ing  on  the 
Continent. 


US 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


Received  in 
a  friendly 
manner  by 
the  natives. 


wind,  always  keeping  within  sight  of  land,  and 
continually  seeing  people  on  shore and  having 
sailed  two  days,  we  found  a  very  safe  place  for  the 
ships,  and  anchored  at  half  a  league  from  the  land, 
and  the  same  day  we  landed  in  the  boats — forty 
men  leaping  on  shore  in  good  order.  The  people 
of  the  country,  however,  appeared  very  shy  of  us, 
and  for  some  time  we  could  not  sufficiently  assure 
them  to  induce  them  to  come  and  speak  with  us; 
but  at  length  we  laboured  so  hard,  in  giving  them 
some  of  our  things,  such  as  looking-glasses,  bells, 
beads,  and  other  trifles,  that  some  of  them  acquired 
confidence  enough  to  come  and  treat  with  us  for 
our  mutual  peace  and  friendship.  Night  coming 
on,  we  took  leave  of  them  and  returned  to  our 
ships. 

The  next  day,  as  the  dawn  appeared,  we  saw 
on  the  shore  a  great  number  of  men,  with  their 
wives  and  children ;  we  landed,  and  found  that 
they  had  all  come  loaded  with  provisions  and  ma¬ 
terials,  which  will  be  described  in  the  proper  place. 
Before  we  reached  the  land,  many  of  them  swam 
to  meet  us,  the  length  of  a  bow  shot  into  the  sea 
(as  they  are  most  excellent  swimmers),  and  they 
treated  us  with  as  much  confidence  as  if  we  had 
had  intercourse  with  them  for  a  long  time,  which 
gratified  us  much. 

All  that  we  know  of  their  life  and  manners  isr 
that  they  go  entirely  naked,  not  having  the  slightest 
covering  whatever;  they  are  of  middling  stature, 
and  very  well  proportioned  ;  their  flesh  is  of  a  red- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


119 

dish  colour,  like  the  skin  of  a  lion,  hut  I  think  that  chapter 
if  they  had  been  accustomed  to  wear  clothing,  they  — ^II— 
would  have  been  as  white  as  we  are.  They  have 
no  hair  on  the  body,  with  the  exception  of  very  long¬ 
hair  upon  the  head — and  the  women  especially  de¬ 
rive  much  beautv  from  this  :  their  countenances 

«/ 

are  not  very  handsome,  as  they  have  large  faces, 
which  might  be  compared  with  those  of  the  Tar¬ 
tars  :  they  do  not  allow  any  hair  to  grow  on  the 
eyelids  or  eyebrows,  or  any  other  part  of  the  body, 
excepting  the  head,  as  they  consider  it  a  great  de¬ 
formity.  Both  men  and  women  are  very  agile  and 
easy  in  their  persons,  and  swift  in  walking  or  run¬ 
ning  ;  so  that  the  women  think  nothing  of  running 
a  league  or  two,  as  we  many  times  beheld,  having, 
in  this  particular,  greatly  the  advantage  of  us  Chris¬ 
tians. 

They  swim  incredibly  well — the  women  better  character- 

1  .  istics  of  the 

than  the  men — as  we  have  seen  them  many  times  natives, 
swimming  without  any  support,  fully  two  leagues 
at  sea.  Their  arms  are  bows  and  arrows  beauti¬ 
fully  wrought,  but  unfurnished  with  iron  or  any 
other  hard  metal,  in  place  of  which  they  make  use 
of  the  teeth  of  animals  or  fish,  or  sometimes  substi¬ 
tute  a  slip  of  hard  wood,  made  harder  at  the  point 
by  fire.  They  are  sure  marksmen,  who  hit  where- 
ever  they  wish,  and  in  some  parts  the  women  also 
use  the  bow  with  dexterity.  They  have  other  arms, 
such  as  lances  and  staves  with  heads  finely  wrought. 

When  they  make  war  they  take  their  wives  with 
them,  not  that  they  may  fight,  but  because  they  carry 


120 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


Their  mo¬ 
tives  in  ma¬ 
king  war. 


their  provision  behind  them ;  a  woman  frequently 
carrying  a  burden  on  her  back  for  thirty  or  forty 
leagues,  which  the  strongest  man  among  them 
could  not  do,  as  we  have  many  times  witnessed. 

These  people  have  no  captains,  neither  do  they 
march  in  order,  but  each  one  is  his  own  master ; 
the  cause  of  their  wars  is  not  a  love  of  conquest  or 
enlarging  their  boundaries,  neither  are  they  incited 
to  engage  in  them  by  inordinate  covetousness,  but 
from  ancient  enmity  which  has  existed  between 
them  in  times  past;  and  having  been  asked  why 
they  made  war,  they  could  give  us  no  other  reason, 
than  that  they  did  it  to  avenge  the  death  of  their 
ancestors.  Neither  have  these  people  kings  nor 
lords,  nor  do  they  obey  any  one,  but  live  in  their 
own  entire  liberty,  and  the  manner  in  which  they 
are  incited  to  go  to  war,  is  this :  when  their  ene¬ 
mies  have  killed  or  taken  prisoners  any  of  their  peo¬ 
ple,  the  oldest  relative  rises  and  goes  about  proclaim¬ 
ing  his  wrongs  aloud,  and  calling  upon  them  to  go 
with  him  and  avenge  the  death  of  his  relation. 
Thereupon  they  are  moved  with  sympathy,  and 
make  ready  for  the  light. 

They  have  no  tribunals  of  justice,  neither  do  they 
punish  malefactors ;  and  what  is  still  more  aston¬ 
ishing,  neither  father  nor  mother  chastises  the 
children  when  they  do  wrong ;  yet,  astounding  as 
it  may  seem,  there  is  no  strife  between  them,  or,  to 
say  the  least,  we  never  saw  any.  They  appear 
simple  in  speech,  but  in  reality  are  very  shrewd 
and  cunning  in  any  matter  which  interests  them. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


121 


They  speak  but  little,  and  that  little  in  a  low  tone 
of  voice,  using  the  same  accentuation  that  we  use, 
and  forming  the  words  with  the  palate,  teeth,  and 
lips,  but  they  have  a  different  mode  of  diction.  There 
is  a  great  diversity  of  languages  among  them,  inas¬ 
much  that  within  every  hundred  leagues  we  found 
people  who  could  not  understand  each  other.  Their 
mode  of  life  is  most  barbarous ;  they  do  not  eat  at 
regular  intervals  and  as  much  as  they  wish  at  sta¬ 
ted  times,  but  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  to  them, 
whether  appetite  comes  at  midnight  or  mid-day,  and 
they  eat  upon  the  ground  at  all  hours,  without  nap¬ 
kin  or  table-cloth,  having  their  food  in  earthen  ba¬ 
sins,  which  they  manufacture,  or  in  half  gourd 
shells. 

They  sleep  in  nets  of  cotton,  very  large,  and  sus¬ 
pended  in  the  air,  and  although  this  may  seem  ra- 
ther  a  bad  way  of  sleeping,  I  can  vouch,  for  the  fact, 
that  it  is  extremely  pleasant,  and  one  sleeps  better 
thus,  than  on  a  mattress.  Tliev  are  neat  and  clean 
in  their  persons,  which  is  a  natural  consequence  of 
their  perpetual  bathing. 

-Ai.  OA.  -AA,  -AC  -AC  -AT* 

'7V'  '7V'  -7V  TV  -7v*  -Tv  '7v  'Tv* 

Oi.  -aT* 

*7»  'TV  *7\~  *7v  ‘7V'  'Tv'  '7V'  'vv' 

[It  is  deemed  inexpedient  to  translate  certain  pas¬ 
sages  which  occur  at  this  stage  of  the  letter,  refer¬ 
ring  to  personal  habits  of  the  natives,  which  are 
unfit  for  publication  at  the  present  day.] 

We  are  not  aware  that  these  people  have  any 
laws.  Neither  are  they  like  Moors  or  Jews,  but 
are  worse  than  Gentiles  and  Pagans,  because  we 

16 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


Their  vil¬ 
lages  and 
houses. 


122 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  have  never  seen  them  offer  any  sacrifice,  and  they 
have  no  houses  of  prayer.  From  their  voluptuous 
manner  of  life,  1  consider  them  Epicureans.  Their 
dwellings  are  in  communities,  and  their  houses  are 
in  the  form  of  huts,  but  strongly  built,  with  very 
large  trees,  and  covered  with  palm  leaves,  secure 
from  wind  and  storms ;  and  in  some  places  they  are 
of  such  great  length  and  breadth  that  in  a  single 
house  we  found  six  hundred  people,  and  we  found 
that  the  population  of  thirteen  houses  only  amount¬ 
ed  to  four  thousand.1  They  change  their  location 
every  seven  or  eight  years,  and  on  being  asked 
why  they  did  so,  they  said  that  it  was  on  account 
□f  the  intense  heat  of  the  sun  upon  the  soil,  which 
by  that  time  became  infected  and  corrupted  with 
filthiness,  and  caused  pains  in  their  bodies,  which 
seemed  to  us  very  reasonable. 

The  riches  of  these  people  consist  in  the  feathers 
of  birds  of  the  most  magnificent  colours,  of  pater¬ 
nosters,  which  they  fabricate  of  fish  bones,  of  white 
or  green  stones,  with  which  they  decorate  the 
cheeks,  lips,  and  ears,  and  of  many  other  things 
which  are  held  in  little  or  no  esteem  with  us. 
They  carry  on  no  commerce,  neither  buying  nor 
selling,  and,  in  short,  live  contentedly  with  what 
nature  gives  them.  The  riches  which  we  esteem 
so  highly  in  Europe  and  other  parts,  such  as  gold, 
jewels,  pearls,  and  other  wealth,  they  have  no  re¬ 
gard  for  at  all,  and  make  no  effort  to  obtain  any 

1  The  edition  of  Gruniger  says,  eight  houses  and  ten  thousand  in¬ 
habitants. 


Their  ide 
of  weak; 


AMEUICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


123 


thing  of  this  kind  which  exists  in  their  country. 
They  are  liberal  in  giving,  never  denying  one  any 
thing,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  are  just  as  free  in 
asking.  The  greatest  mark  of  friendship  they  can 
show,  is  to  offer  you  their  wives  and  daughters,  and 
parents  consider  themselves  highly  honoured  by  an 
acceptance  of  this  mark  of  favour. 

‘Tv  'TV*  'Tv  *7v  *7v*  Tv  "7v  *TS 

•AA.  AA.  -AA.  .AA,  -AA,  -AA.  .AA. 

'7v'7v'yv'/vTc'yv'Tv'A' 

In  case  of  death,  they  make  use  of  various  fune¬ 
ral  obsequies.  Some  bury  their  dead  with  water 
and  provisions  placed  at  their  heads,  thinking  they 
may  have  occasion  to  eat,  but  they  make  no  parade 
in  the  way  of  funeral  ceremonies.  In  some  places, 
they  have  a  most  barbarous  mode  of  interment, 
which  is  thus  :  when  one  is  sick  or  infirm,  and 
nearly  at  the  point  of  death,  his  relatives  carry  him 
into  a  large  forest,  and  there  attaching  one  of  their 
sleeping  hammocks  to  two  trees,  they  place  the  sick 
person  in  it,  and  continue  to  swing  him  about  for  a 
whole  day,  and  when  night  comes,  after  placing  at 
his  head  water  and  other  provisions  sufficient  to 
sustain  him  for  five  or  six  days,  they  return  to  their 
village.  If  the  sick  person  can  help  himself  to  eat 
and  drink,  and  recovers  sufficiently  to  be  able  to 
return  to  the  village,  his  people  receive  him  again 
with  great  ceremony ;  but  few  are  they  who  escape 
this  mode  of  treatment ;  most  of  them  die  without 
being  visited,  and  that  is  their  only  burial. 

They  have  various  other  customs  which,  to  avoid 
prolixity,  are  not  here  mentioned.  They  use  in 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


Their  fune¬ 
ral  rites. 


Medical 

treatment. 


124 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

vir. 


Cannibal¬ 

ism. 


their  diseases  various  kinds  of  medicines,  so  differ¬ 
ent  from  any  in  vogue  with  us,  that  we  were  as¬ 
tonished  that  any  escaped.  I  often  saw,  for  in¬ 
stance,  that  when  a  person  was  sick  with  a  fever, 
which  was  increasing  upon  him,  they  bathed  him 
from  head  to  foot  with  cold  water,  and  then  making 
a  great  fire  around  him,  they  made  him  turn  round 
within  the  circle  for  about  an  hour  or  two,  until 
they  fatigued  him,  and  left  him  to  sleep.  Many 
were  cured  in  this  way.  They  also  observe  a  strict 
diet,  eating  nothing  for  three  or  four  days  ;  they 
practise  bloodletting,  but  not  on  the  arm,  unless  in 
the  armpit ;  but  generally  they  take  blood  from  the 
thighs  and  haunches,  or  the  calf  of  the  leg.  In  like 
manner  they  excite  vomiting  with  certain  herbs, 
which  they  put  into  their  mouths,  and  they  use 
many  other  remedies,  which  it  would  be  tedious  to 
relate. 

Their  blood  and  phlegm  is  much  disordered  on 
account  of  their  food,  which  consists  mainly  of  the 
roots  of  herbs,  of  fruit  and  fish.  They  have  no 
wheat  or  other  grain,  but  instead,  make  use  of  the 
root  of  a  tree,  from  which  they  manufacture  flour, 
which  is  very  good,  and  which  they  call  Huca ;  the 
flour  from  another  root  is  called  Kazabi,  and  from 
another,  Xgnami.1  They  eat  little  meat  except  hu- 


1  “The  Castilians  found  there  des  voy.  tom.  xlv.  p.  167.  “They 
very  large  parrots,  honey,  bees’  brought  much  Cazabi,  which  is 
wax,  and  an  abundance  of  those  the  name  of  the  bread.”— Ferd. 
plants  which  the  islanders  called  Col.  p.  117.  Alvarez  Cabral, 
Cazabi,  from  which  the  French  speaking  of  the  Igname  of  the 
Cassave  is  derived.”-  ^Hist.  Gen.  Brazilians,  says,  “A  root  called 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


125 


man  fiesh,  and  you  will  notice  that  in  this  particu¬ 
lar  they  are  more  savage  than  beasts,  because  all 
their  enemies  who  are  killed  or  taken  prisoners, 
whether  male  or  female,  are  devoured  with  so  much 
fierceness,  that  it  seems  disgusting  to  relate,  much 
more  to  see  it  done,  as  I  with  my  own  eyes  have 
many  times  witnessed  this  proof  of  their  inhuman¬ 
ity.  Indeed,  they  marvelled  much  to  hear  us  say 
that  we  did  not  eat  our  enemies. 

And  your  Excellency  may  rest  assured  that  their 
other  barbarous  customs  are  so  numerous  that  it  is 
impossible  herein  to  describe  all  of  them.  As  in 
these  four  voyages  I  have  witnessed  so  many  things 
at  variance  with  our  own  customs,  I  prepared  my¬ 
self  to  write  a  collection,  which  I  call  “  The  Four 
Voyages,’’  in  which  I  have  related  the  major  part  of 
the  things  which  I  saw,  as  clearly  as  my  feeble  capa¬ 
city  would  permit.  This  work  is  not  yet  published, 
though  many  advise  me  to  publish  it.  In  it  every 
thing  will  appear  minutely,  therefore  I  shall  not 
enlarge  any  more  in  this  letter,  because  in  the 
course  of  it  we  shall  see  many  things  which  are 
peculiar.  Let  this  suffice  for  matters  in  general. 

In  this  commencement  of  discoveries  we  did  not 
see  anything  of  much  profit  in  the  country,  owing, 
as  1  think,  to  our  ignorance  of  the  language,  except 


Igname,  and  their  bread  which  when  it  is  of  middling  size,  it  is 
they  eat.” — Ram .  t.  i.  p.  121.  boiled  whole,  and  it  serves  some- 
“  Linnaeus  calls  this  plant,  ‘  Dios-  times  also  to  make  bread  of.” — 
corea  oppositi  folia,’  the  root  of  Cook ,  vol.  i.  p.  90.  Canovai,  tom. 
which  is  eaten,  or  cut  in  pieces  i.  p.  67,  68. 
and  baked  under  the  coals,  or, 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


126 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


Arrival  at' 
Venezuela 
and  battle 
with  the  na¬ 
tives. 


some  few  indications  of  gold.  In  whatever  relates 
to  the  situation  and  appearance  of  the  country  we 
could  not  have  succeeded  better.  We  concluded 
to  leave  this  place  and  go  oirward,  and  having 
unanimously  come  to  this  resolution,  we  coasted 
along  near  the  land,  making  many  stops,  and  hold¬ 
ing  discourses  with  many  people,  until  after  some 
days  we  came  into  a  harbour,  where  we  fell  into 
very  great  danger,  from  which  it  pleased  the  Holy 
Spirit  to  deliver  us. 

It  happened  in  this  manner.  We  landed  in  a 
port  where  we  found  a  village  built  over  the  water, 
like  Venice.1  There  were  about  forty-four  houses, 
shaped  like  bells,  built  upon  very  large  piles,  having 
entrances  by  means  of  drawbridges,  so  that  by 
laying  the  bridges  from  house  to  house,  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  could  pass  through  the  whole.  When  the 
people  saw  us,  they  appeared  to  be  afraid  of  us, 
and  to  protect  themselves,  suddenly  raised  ail  their 
bridges,  and  shut  themselves  up  in  their  houses. 
While  we  stood  looking  at  them  and  wondering  at 
this  proceeding,  w^e  saw  coming  toward  us  by  sea 
about  two  and  twenty  canoes,  which  are  the  boats 
they  make  use  of,  and  are  carved  out  of  a  single 
tree.  They  came  directly  towrard  our  boats,  appear¬ 
ing  to  be  astonished  at  our  figures  and  dresses,  and 
keeping  at  a  little  distance  from  us.  This  being 
the  case,  we  made  signals  of  friendship,  to  in¬ 
duce  them  to  come  nearer  to  us,  endeavouring 

1  The  natives  called  this  place  Coqnihacoa:  it  is  the  modem  Ve¬ 
nezuela. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


127 


to  reassure  them  by  every  token  of  kindness ;  but 
seeing  that  they  did  not  come,  we  went  toward 
them.  They  would  not  wait  for  us,  however,  but 
fled  to  the  land,  making  signs  to  us  to  wait,  and 
giving  us  to  understand  that  they  would  soon  re¬ 
turn. 

They  fled  directly  to  a  mountain,  but  did  not  tarry 
there  long,  and  when  they  returned,  brought  with 
them  sixteen  of  their  young  girls,  and  entering  their 
canoes,  came  to  our  boats  and  put  four  of  them  into 
each  boat,  at  which  we  were  very  much  astonished, 
as  your  Excellency  may  well  imagine.  Then  they 
mingled  with  their  canoes  among  our  boats,  and  we 
considered  their  coming  to  speak  to  us  in  this  man¬ 
ner,  to  be  a  token  of  friendship.  Taking  this  for 
granted,  we  saw  a  great  crowd  of  people  swimming 
toward  us  from  the  houses,  without  any  suspicion. 
At  this  juncture,  some  old  women  showed  them¬ 
selves  at  the  doors  of  the  houses,  wailing  and  tear¬ 
ing  their  hair,  as  if  in  great  distress.  From  this 
we  began  to  be  suspicious,  and  had  immediate  re¬ 
course  to  our  weapons,  when  suddenly  the  girls, 
who  were  in  our  boats,  threw  themselves  into  the 
sea,  and  the  canoes  moved  away,  the  people  in  them 
assailing  us  with  their  bows  and  arrows.  Those 
who  came  swimming  toward  us  brought  each  a 
lance,  concealed  as  much  as  possible  under  the 
water.  Their  treachery  being  thus  discovered,  we 
began  not  only  to  defend  ourselves,  but  to  act  se¬ 
verely  on  the  offensive.  We  overturned  many  of 
their  canoes  with  our  boats,  and  making  considera- 


« 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


%■  ' 


128  life  and  voyages  of 

chapter  ble  slaughter  among  them,  they  soon  abandoned 

Vii. 

— _ — ' —  the  canoes  altogether  and  swam  to  the  shore.  Fif¬ 
teen  or  twenty  were  killed  and  many  wounded  on 
their  side,  while  on  ours  five  were  slightly  wound¬ 
ed,  all  the  rest  escaping  by  favour  of  Divine  Prov¬ 
idence,  and  these  five  being  quickly  cured.  We 
took  prisoners  two  of  their  girls  and  three  men, 
and  on  entering  their  houses  found  only  two 
iold  women  and  one  sick  man.  We  took  from 
them  many  things  of  little  value,  but  would  not 
burn  their  dwellings,  being  restrained  by  con¬ 
scientious  scruples.  Returning  to  our  boats  and 
thence  to  our  ships,  with  five  prisoners,  we  put 
irons  on  the  feet  of  each,  excepting  the  young  fe¬ 
males,  yet  when  night  came,  the  two  girls  and  one 
of  the  men  escaped  in  the  most  artful  manner  in 
the  world. 

Continue  These  events  having  occurred,  the  next  day  we 

their  voyage 

along  the  concluded  to  depart  from  the  port  and  proceed  fur- 
ther.  Keeping  our  course  continually  along  the 
coast,  we  at  length  came  to  anchor  at  about  eighty 
leagues  distance  from  the  place  we  had  left,  and 
found  another  race  of  people,  whose  language  and 
customs  were  very  different  from  those  we  had 
seen  last.  We  determined  to  land,  and  while  pro¬ 
ceeding  in  our  boats,  we  saw  standing  on  the  shore 
a  great  multitude,  numbering  about  four  thousand 
people.  They  did  not  wait  to  receive  us,  but 
fled  precipitately  to  the  woods,  abandoning  their 
things.  We  leaped  ashore,  and  taking  the  way 
which  led  to  the  wood,  found  their  tents  within 


We  landed  in  a  port  where  we  found  a  village  built  over  the  water  like  Venice.  The  houses  were  shaped  like  hells,  built  upon 

very  large  piles,  having  entrances  by  means  of  drawbridges.  (See  Page  126.) 


V 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


129 


the  space  of  a  bow-shot,  where  they  had  made  a  chapter 
great  fire,  and  two  of  them  were  cooking  their  — — — 
food,  roasting  many  animals  and  fish  of  various 
kinds. 

¥ 

We  noticed  that  they  were  roasting  a  certain  Remarkable 
animal  that  looked  like  a  serpent ;  it  had  no  wings,  Amma1' 
and  was  so  filthy  in  appearance,  that  we  were 
astonished  at  its  deformity.  As  we  went  through 
their  houses  or  tents,  we  saw  many  of  these  ser¬ 
pents  alive.  Their  feet  were  tied,  and  they  had  a 
cord  round  tlieir  snouts,  so  that  they  could  not  open 
their  mouths,  as  dogs  are  sometimes  muzzled,  so 
that  they  may  not  bite.  These  animals  had  such  a 
savage  appearance,  that  none  of  us  dared  to  turn 
one  over,  thinking  they  might  be  poisonous.  They 
are  about  the  size  of  a  kid,  about  the  length  and  a 
half  of  a  man’s  arm,  having  long  coarse  feet  armed 
with  large  nails.  Their  skin  is  hard,  and  they  are 
of  various  colours..  They  have  the  snout  and  face 
of  a  serpent,  and  from  the  nose  there  runs  a  crest, 
passing  over  the  middle  of  the  hack  to  the  root  of 
the  tail.  We  finally  concluded  that  they  were  ser¬ 
pents,  and  poisonous  ;  and,  nevertheless,  they  were 
eaten.1 

1  The  navigator  has  perhaps  eius. — Namr.  Collection ,  tom.  iii. 
drawn  somewhat  upon  his  imagi-  p.  225.  But  though  it  is  rather 
nation  in  his  description  of  this  hard  to  believe  in  a  domestic  ser- 
animal,  although  Canovai  adopts  pent  as  large  as  a  kid,  yet  the  > 

it  seriously,  and  says  in  a  note  that  whole  difficulty  vanishes,  if  for  the 
“  this  is  the  serpent  Tuana  which  word  serpent,  which  seems  to 
is  spoken  of  in  Ramus,  tom.  iii.  p.  have  been  misapplied  by  the  nav- 
130.” — Canovai ,  Viaggi ,  &c.  tom.  igator,  we  substitute  reptile  or  an- 
i.  p.  75.  Navarrete  mentions  this  imal. 
as  one  of  the  absurdities  of  V espu- 

17 


130 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


/ 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

We  found  that  this  people  made  bread  of  small 
fish  which  they  caught  in  the  sea,  by  first  boiling 
them,  then  kneading  together  and  making  a  paste 
of  them,  which  they  baked  upon  the  hot  coals ;  we 
tried  it,  and  found  it  good.1  They  have  so  many 
other  kinds  of  eating,  chiefly  of  fruits  and  roots,  that 
it  would  be  very  tedious  to  describe  them  minutely. 
Seeing,  then,  that  the  people  did  not  return,  we  re¬ 
solved  not  to  meddle  with  or  take  away  any  of 
their  things,  in  order  to  reassure  them  ;  and,  having 
left  in  their  tents  many  of  our  own  things,  in  places 
where  they  might  be  seen,  returned  to  our  ships 
for  the  night.  Early  the  next  morning  we  saw  a 
great  number  of  people  on  the  shore,  and  landed. 
Though  they  seemed  fearful  of  us,  they  were 
sufficiently  confident  to  treat  with  us,  and  gave  us 
all  that  we  asked  of  them.  Finally  they  became 
very  friendly;  told  us  that  this  was  not  their 
place  of  dwelling,  but  that  they  had  come  there  to 
carry  on  their  fishery.  They  invited  us  to  go  to 
their  villages,  because  they  wished  to  receive  us  as 
friends — their  amicable  feelings  toward  us  being- 
much  strengthened  by  the  circumstance  of  our 
having  the  two  prisoners  with  us,  who  were  their 
enemies.  They  importuned  us  so  much,  that,  hav- 


1  “  The  ancient  fish-eaters  also  countries.  Barbosa  writes,  “  In 
dried  then-  fish,  and  made  flour  out  this  country  they  attend  much  to 
of  them.  A  large  quantity  of  fishing,  and  catch  very  large  fish, 
dried  fish  was  presented  to  him  which  they  salt,  and  also  feed 
(Nearchus) ;  these  people  eating  their  horses  with  them.” — Ram.  t. 
fish  as  their  common  food.” — Ra-  p.  295.  Canovai ,  tom.  i.  p.  75,  76. 
mus ,  t.  i.  p.  271,  B.  In  our  times  note, 
the  same  custom  prevails  in  those 


I 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ing  taken  counsel,  twenty-three  of  us  Christians 
concluded  to  go  with  them,  well  prepared,  and 
with  firm  resolution  to  die  manfully,  if  such  was  to 
be  our  fate. 

After  we  had  remained  here  three  days,  we  ac¬ 
cordingly  started  with  them  for  a  journey  inland. 
Three  leagues  from  the  shore  we  arrived  at  a  tol¬ 
erably  well-peopled  village,  of  a  few  houses — there 
not  being  over  nine — where  we  were  received  with 
so  many  and  such  barbarous  ceremonies,  that  no 
pen  is  equal  to  the  task  of  describing  them.  There 
was  dancing  and  singing,  and  weeping  mingled 
with  rejoicing,  and  great  feasting.  Here  we  staid 
for  the  night.  *  *  *  *  * 

Ale  AU  ^  AL>  AU  Air  Air 

*7v  tv  tv  Tv  tv  tv  tv'  Aftr 

*  *  After  having  passed  the  night  and 

half  of  the  next  day,  an  immense  number  of  peo¬ 
ple  visiting  us  from  motives  of  curiosity — the 
oldest  among  them  begging  us  to  go  with  them 
to  other  villages, as  they  desired  to  do  us  great 
honour — we  determined  to  proceed  still  further 
inland.  And  it  is  impossible  to  tell '  how  much 
honour  they  did  us  there.  We  visited  so  ma¬ 
ny  villages,  that  we  spent  nine  days  in  the  jour¬ 
ney  ;  having  been  so  long  absent,  that  our  com¬ 
panions  in  the  ships  began  to  be  uneasy  on  our  ac¬ 
count. 

Being  now  about  eighteen  leagues  inland,  we  de¬ 
liberated  about  returning.  On  our  return,  we  w7ere 
accompanied  by  a  wonderful  number,  of  both  sexes, 
quite  to  the  seashore ;  and  when  any  of  us  grew 


131 

CHAPTER 

VII. 


Americus 
journeys  in 
land  and 
reaches  a 
village. 


Return  to 
the  ships. 


132 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


A  ludicrous 
incident. 


weary  with  walking,  they  carried  us  in  their  ham¬ 
mocks  much  at  our  ease  ;  in  passing  rivers,  which 
were  numerous  and  quite  large,  they  conveyed  us 
over  with  so  much  skill  and  safety,  that  we  were 
not  in  the  slightest  danger.  Many  of  them  were 
laden  with  the  presents  they  had  made  us,  which 
they  transported  in  hammocks.  These  consisted  in 
very  rich  plumage,  many  bows  and  arrows,  and  an 
infinite  number  of  parrots  of  various  colours.  Others 
brought  loads  of  provisions  and  animals.  For  a 
greater  wonder,  I  will  inform  your  Excellency,  that 
when  we  had  to  cross  over  a  river,  they  carried  us 
on  their  backs. 

Having  arrived  at  the  sea,  and  entered  the  boats 
which  had  come  on  shore  for  us,  we  were  aston¬ 
ished  at  the  crowd  which  endeavoured  to  get  into 
the  boats  to  go  to  see  our  ships ;  they  were  so  over¬ 
loaded  that  they  were  oftentimes  on  the  point  of 

sinking.  We  carried  as  many  as  we  could  on  board, 

« 

and  so  many  more  came  by  swimming,  that  we 
were  quite  troubled  at  the  multitude  on  board,  al¬ 
though  they  were  all  naked  and  unarmed.  They 
were  in  great  astonishment  at  our  equipments  and 
implements,  and  at  the  size  of  our  ships.  Here 
quite  a  laughable  occurrence  took  place  at  their  ex¬ 
pense.  We  concluded  to  try  the  effect  of  discharge 
ing  some  of  our  artillery,  and  when  they  heard  the 
thundering  report,  the  greater  part  of  them  jumped 
into  the  sea  from  fright,  acting  like  frogs  sitting  on 
a  bank,  who  plunge  into  the  marsh  on  the  approach 
of  any  tiling  that  alarms  them.  Those  who  re- 


AMER1CUS  VESPUCIUS. 


133 


mained  in  the  ships  were  so  timorous  that  we  re¬ 
pented  of  having  done  this.  However,  we  reassured 
them  by  telling  them  that  these  were  the  arms  with 
which  we  killed  our  enemies.  Having;  amused 
themselves  in  the  ships  all  day,  we  told  them  that 
they  must  go,  as  we  wished  to  depart  in  the  night. 
So  they  took  leave  of  us  with  many  demonstrations 
of  friendship  and  affection,  and  went  ashore. 

I  saw  more  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  these 
people,  while  in  their  country,  than  I  wish  to  dwell 
upon  here.  Your  Excellency  will  notice,  that  in 
each  of  my  voyages,  I  have  noted  the  most  extraor¬ 
dinary  things  which  have  occurred,  and  compiled 
■ 

the  whole  into  one  volume,  in  the  style  of  a  geogra¬ 
phy,  and  entitled  it The  Four  Voyages.”  In  this 
work  will  he  found  a  minute  description  of  the 
things  which  I  saw,  but  as  there  is  no  copy  of  it 
yet  published,  owing  to  my  being  obliged  to  exam¬ 
ine  and  correct  it,  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  to 
impart  them  to  you  herein. 

This  country  is  full  of  inhabitants,  and  contains 
a  great  many  rivers.  Very  few  of  the  animals  are 
similar  to  ours,  excepting  the  lions,  panthers,  stags, 
hogs,  goats,  and  deer,  and  even  these  are  a  little 
different  in  form.  They  have  neither  horses,  mules, 
nor  asses,  neither  cows,  dogs,  nor  any  kind  of  do¬ 
mestic  animals.  Their  other  animals,  however,  are 
so  very  numerous,  that  it  is  impossible  to  count 
them,  and  all  of  them  so  wild,  that  they  cannot  be 
employed  for  serviceable  uses.  But  what  shall  I 
say  of  their  birds,  which  are  so  numerous  and  of  so 


/ 


CHATTER 

VII. 


\ 


134 

CHAPTER 

vri. 


The  countr 
and  its  cli 

mate. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

many  species  and  varieties  of  plumage,  that  it  is  as¬ 
tounding*  to  behold  them  1 

The  country  is  pleasant  and  fruitful,  full  of  woods 
and  forests,  which  are  always  green,  as  they  never 
lose  their  foliage.  The  fruits  are  numberless,  and 
totally  different  from  ours.  The  land  lies  within 
the  Torrid  Zone,  under  the  parallel  which  describes 
the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  where  the  pole  is  elevated 
twenty-three  degrees  above  the  horizon,  on  the 
borders  of  the  second  climate.  A  great  many 
people  came  to  see  us,  and  were  astonished  at  our 
features  and  the  whiteness  of  our  skins.  They 
asked  us  where  we  came  from,  and  we  gave  them 
to  understand  that  we  came  from  heaven,  with 
the  view  of  visiting  the  world,  and  they  believed 
us.  In  this  country  we  established  a  baptismal 
font,  and  great  numbers  were  baptized,  calling  us, 
in  their  language,  Carabi,  which  means  men  of 
great  wisdom. 

The  natives  called  this  province  Lariabd  We 
left  the  port,  and  sailed  along  the  coast,  continuing 
in  sight  of  land,  until  we  had  run,  calculating  our 
advances  and  retrogressions,  eight  hundred  and  sev¬ 
enty  leagues  towards  the  northwest,  making  many 
stops  by  the  way,  and  having  intercourse  with  many 
people.  In  some  places  we  found  traces  of  gold,  but 
in  small  quantities,  it  being  sufficient  for  us  to  have 


1  This  name  is  read  Lariab  in  the  same  region.  The  change  of 
the  edition  of  Valori,  and  also  in  one  name  for  the  other  was  simply 
that  of  Gruniger.  Giuntini  sub-  a  corruption, 
stitutes  Paria,  which  is,  doubtless, 


AMERICUS  VESPCCIUS. 

discovered  the  country  and  to  know  that  there  was 
gold  in  it. 

We  had  now  been  thirteen  months  on  the  voy¬ 
age,  and  the  ships  and  rigging  were  much  worn, 
and  the  men  weary.  So  by  common  consent  we 
agreed  to  careen  our  ships  on  the  beach,  in  order  to 
calk  and  pitch  them  anew,  as  they  leaked  badly, 
and  then  to  return  to  Spain.  When  we  took  this 
resolution,  we  were  near  one  of  the  best  harbours  in 
the  world,  which  we  entered,  and  found  a  vast 
number  of  people,  who  received  us  most  kindly.1 
We  made  a  breastwork  on  shore  with  our  boats 
and  our  casks,  and  placed  our  artillery  so  that  it 
would  play  over  them ;  then  having  unloaded  and 
lightened  our  ships,  wTe  hauled  them  to  land,  and 
repaired  them  wherever  they  needed  it.  The  na¬ 
tives  were  of  very  great  assistance  to  us,  continually 
providing  food,  so  that  in  this  port  wTe  consumed 
very  little  of  our  own.  This  served  us  a  very  good 
turn,  for  our  provisions  were  poor,  and  the  stock  so 
much  reduced  at  this  time,  that  we  feared  it  wrould 
hardly  last  us  on  our  return  to  Spain.  Having 
stayed  here  thirty-seven  days,  visiting  their  villages 
many  times,  where  they  paid  us  the  highest  honour, 
wre  wished  to  depart  on  our  voyage. 

Before  we  set  sail,  the  natives  complained  to  us, 
that  at  certain  times  in  the  year,  there  came  from 
the  sea  into  their  territory,  a  very  cruel  tribe,  who, 
either  by  treachery  or  force,  killed  many  of  them, 

1  This  was  probably  the  modern  port  of  Mochina,  on  the  coast  of 
Cum  ana.  , 


135 

CHAPTER 

VII. 


Prepara¬ 
tions  for  the 
return  voy¬ 
age. 


136 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


Discover 
new  islands. 


and  eat  them,  while  they  captured  others,  and  car¬ 
ried  them  prisoners  into  their  own  country,  and  that 
they  were  hardly  able  to  defend  themselves.  They 
signified  to  us  that  this  tribe  were  islanders,  and 
lived  at  about  one  hundred  leagues  distance  at  sea. 
They  narrated  this  to  us  with  so  much  simplicity 
and  feeling,  that  we  credited  them,  and  promised  to 
avenge  their  great  injuries;  at  which  they  were 
highly  rejoiced,  and  many  offered  to  go  with  us. 
We  did  not  wish  to  take  them  for  many  reasons, 
and  only  carried  seven,  on  the  condition,  that  they 
should  come  back  in  their  own  canoes,  for  we  would 
not  enter  into  obligations  to  return  them  to  their 
own  country.  With  this  they  were  contented,  and 
we  parted  from  these  people,  leaving  them  very  well 
disposed  toward  us. 

Our  ships  having  been  repaired,  we  set  sail  on 
our  return,  taking  a  northeasterly  course,  and  at  the 
end  of  seven  days,  fell  in  with  some  islands.  There 
were  a  great  many  of  them,  some  peopled,  others 
uninhabited.  We  landed  at  one  of  them,  where  we 
saw  many  people,  who  called  the  island  Iti.  Hav¬ 
ing  filled  our  boats  with  good  men,  and  put  three 
rounds  of  shot  in  each  boat,  we  proceeded  toward 
the  land,  where  we  saw  about  four  hundred  men 
and  many  women,  all  naked,  like  those  we  had  seen 
before.  They  were  of  good  stature,  and  appeared 
to  be  very  warlike  men,  being  armed  with  bow  s  and 
arrows,  and  lances.  The  greater  part  of  them  car¬ 
ried  staves  of  a  square  form,  attached  to  their  per¬ 
sons  in  such  a  manner  that  they  were  not  prevented 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


137 


from  drawing  the  bow.  As  we  approached  within  chapter 
bow-shot  of  the  shore,  they  all  leaped  into  the  wa - — 

ter,  and  shot  their  arrows  at  us,  to  prevent  our 
landing. 

They  were  painted  with  various  colours,  and  Severe  bat- 
piumed  with  feathers,  and  the  interpreters  who  feat  of  the 
were  with  us  told  us  that  when  they  were  thus 
painted  and  plumed  they  showed  a  wish  to  fight. 

They  persisted  so  much  in  their  endeavours  to  de¬ 
ter  us  from  landing,  that  we  were  at  last  compelled 
to  fire  on  them  with  our  artillery.  Hearing  the 
thunder  of  our  cannon,  and  seeing  some  of  their 
people  fall  dead,  they  all  retreated  to  the  shore. 

We,  having  consulted  together,  forty  of  us  resolved 
to  leap  ashore,  and  if  they  waited  for  us,  to  fight 
with  them.  Proceeding  thus,  they  attacked  us,  and 
we  fought  about  two  hours  with  little  advantage 
except  that  our  bowmen  and  gunners  killed  some 
of  their  people,  and  they  wounded  some  of  ours. 

T  his  was  because  we  could  not  get  a  chance  to  use 
the  lance  or  the  sword.  We  finally,  by  desperate 
exertion,  were  enabled  to  draw  the  sword,  and  as 
soon  as  they  had  a  taste  of  our  arms,  they  fled  to 
the  mountains  and  woods,  leaving  us  masters  of  the 
field,  with  many  of  their  people  killed  and  wounded. 

This  day  we  did  not  pursue  them,  because  we  were 
much  fatigued,  but  returned  to  our  ships,  the  seven 
men  who  came  with  us  being  very  highly  reioiced. 

The  next  day  we  saw  a  great  number  of  people 
coming  through  the  country,  still  offering  us  signs 
of  battle,  sounding  horns  and  various  other  instru- 

18 


138 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


ments  which  they  use  in  war,  and  all  painted  and 
plumed,  which  gave  them  a  strange  and  ferocious 
appearance.  Whereupon,  all  in  the  ships  held  a 
grand  council,  and  it  was  determined  that  since 
these  people  were  resolved  to  be  at  enmity  with  us, 
we  would  go  to  meet  them,  and  do  every  thing  to 
engage  their  friendship ;  but  in  case  they  would  not 
receive  it,  we  resolved  to  treat  them  as  enemies,  and 
to  make  slaves  of  all  we  could  capture.  Having 
armed  ourselves  in  the  best  manner  possible,  we 
immediately  rowed  ashore,  where  they  did  not  re¬ 
sist  our  landing,  from  fear,  as  I  think,  of  our  bom¬ 
bardment.  We  disembarked  in  four  squares,  being 
fifty-seven  meii,  each  captain  with  his  own  men, 
and  engaged  them  in  battle. 

After  a  long  battle,  having  killed  many,  we  put 
them  to  flight,  and  pursued  them  to  a  village,  taking 
about  two  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners.1  We  burn¬ 
ed  the  village,  and  returned  victorious  to  the  ships 
with  our  prisoners,  leaving  many  killed  and  wound¬ 
ed  on  their  side,  while  on  ours  not  more  than  one 
died,  and  only  twenty-two  were  wounded.  The 
rest  all  escaped  unhurt,  for  which,  God  be  thanked 
We  soon  arranged  for  our  departure,  and  the  seven 
men,  of  whom  five  were  wounded,  took  a  canoe 
from  the  island,  and  with  seven  prisoners,  four  wo¬ 
men  and  three  men  that  we  gave  them,  returned  to 
their  own  country,  very  merry  and  greatly  aston- 

i  The  edition  of  Gruniger  reads,  her  was  so  small,  and  the  text  is 
“twenty-five  slaves;”  hnt  it  does  in  accordance  with  Canovai. 
not  appear  probable  that  the  mim- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


139 


ished  at  our  power.  We  also  set  sail  for  Spain, 
with  two  hundred  and  twenty-two  prisoners,  slaves, 
and  arrived  in  the  port  of  Cadiz  on  the  fifteenth 
day  of  October,  1498,  where  we  were  well  received, 
and  found  a  market  for  our  slaves.  This  is  what 
happened  to  me,  in  this  my  first  voyage,  that  may 
be  considered  worth  relating.1 


1  The  edition  of  Gruniger  makes 
the  date  of  the  return  of  Amerieus 
the  15th  of  October,  1499,  and, 
immediately  after,  gives  as  the 
date  of  his  departure  on  his  second 
voyage,  May,  1499.  So  manifest 


an  error  of  print,  one  would  think, 
ought  not  to  have  afforded  any 
ground  from  which  to  argue  the 
incredibility  of  the  writer,  yet 
Navarrete  makes  use  of  it  for  this 
purpose. 


CHAPTER 

VII. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


CHAPTER 

VIII. 


The  Arrival  of  Columbus  on  the  Coast  of  Paria,  and  at  Hispaniola, 

August  30th,  1498.— Distracted  State  of  the  Colony  he  had  left. _ 

Despatches  News  of  his  Discovery  of  the  Continent  on  18th  of  Oc¬ 
tober,  1498,  from  Isabella.— Americus  arrives  at  Cadiz,  15th  of  Oc¬ 
tober,  1498.— Newsmade Public.— Consequent  Excitement.— Alonzo 
de  Ojeda.— His  Plan  of  an  Expedition.— Bishop  Fonseca.— His  Ha- 
tied  ol  Columbus.  Commission  of  Ojeda. — His  Companionship 
with  Americus.— Interval  between  First  and  Second  Voyage.— 

Marriage  of  Americus  with  Maria  Cerozo.— He  goes  to  Court. _ 

Is  importuned  by  Ojeda.— Consents  to  go  with  him.— Juan  de  la 
Cosa.— Preparations  for  sailing  at  Seville.— Lorenzo  di  Pier-Fran- 
cesco  de’  Medici.— Sketch  of  his  Life. 

It  appears  in  the  history  of  Columbus,  that  the 
Admiral,  after  visiting  the  coast  of  Paria,  in  1498, 
arrived,  on  the  30th  of  August  in  that  year,  at  the 
settlement  which  he  had  founded  on  the  island  of 
Hispaniola.  He  found  the  affairs  of  the  colony  in 
the  greatest  state  of  confusion  and  anarchy.  Not¬ 
withstanding  the  sagacious  and  vigorous  govern¬ 
ment  of  his  brother  Bartholomew,  whom  he  had 
left  behind  him  as  his  lieutenant  or  adelantado,  a 
serious  insurrection,  headed  by  an  ambitious  man 
named  Roldan,  had  broken  out,  and  threatened  the 
utter  destruction  of  the  new  colony.  Roldan  was 
the  last  man  who  should  have  rebelled  against  the 
authority  of  Columbus,  for  he  had  been  raised  by 
the  Admiral  from  poverty  and  a  low  position,  to  one 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

of  usefulness  and  distinction ;  but  he  was  u  one  of 
tnose  base  spirits,  which  grew'  venomous  in  the 
sunshine  of  prosperity. 771  * 

Columbus  saw  at  once  the  necessity  of  vigorous 
measures  to  quell  the  growing  spirit  of  discontent 
and  rebellion.  He  was  well  aware  that  many  of 
the  colonists  were  extremely  anxious  to  return  to 
Spain.  They  were  composed  mostly  of  refugees 
from  justice,  and  convicts  who  had  been  pardoned, 
on  the  condition  of  accompanying  him  on  his  second 
and  third  voyages,  and  looked  upon  their  residence 
in  Hispaniola  as  a  punishment.  He  deemed  it  ad¬ 
visable,  therefore,  to  get  rid  of  as  many  of  these 
unruly  subjects  as  possible,  and  accordingly,  on 
the  12th  of  September,  1498,  he  made  proclama¬ 
tion,  offering  a  free  passage  home  to  such  of  the 
colonists  as  wished  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
chance,  in  five  vessels,  which  he  determined  to 
despatch  at  once  for  Spain.  He  hoped  by  this 
means  to  weaken  the  force  of  the  disaffected,  and 
was  desirous,  also,  of  sending  to  his  sovereigns  an 
account  of  his  further  discoveries.2 

These  ships  set  sail,  on  the  18th  of  the  next 
month,  from  the  port  of  Isabella,  in  the  island  of 
Hispaniola,  just  three  days  after  the  date  of  the 
arrival  of  Americus  from  his  first  voyage,  in  Cadiz. 
They  reached  Spain  in  the  month  of  December, 
after  a  passage  of  about  two  months,  bringing  with 
them  an  account  of  the  recent  voyage  of  Colum- 

1  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  771.  Fer-  2  Fernando  Columbus,  chap, 
nando  Columbus,  chap,  lxxiv.  lxxiv. 


141 

CHAPTER 

VIII. 


Condition 
of  Hispan¬ 
iola,  and  de¬ 
spatches  of 
Columbus. 


142 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  bus,  with  some  specimens  of  the  gold  and  pearls 

- -  which  he  had  picked  up  on  the  coast  of  Paria. 

Thft  account  was  accompanied  by  a  chart  of  the 
track  of  the  expedition,  and  discoursed  in  glowing 
terms  of  the  beauties  and  wealth  of  the  country 
which  he  had  visited.1 


Alonzo  de 
Ojeda. 


It  is  probable  that  this  was  the  first  news  which 
was  published  in  Spain  of  the  newly-found  conti¬ 
nent,  Following  out  the  idea  adopted  and  illus¬ 
trated  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  this  work,  that  the 
expedition  which  Americus  first  accompanied  was 
a  private  enterprise,  joined  by  him  as  an  agent  in 
behalf  of  the  king,  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that 
secresy  was  at  first  maintained  concerning  it,  for 
purposes  of  private  advantage.  It  is  very  likely, 
however,  that  it  was  communicated  to  the  govern¬ 
ment  by  Americus,  and  this  supposition  is  cor¬ 
roborated  by  what  followed. 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  a  young  man  of  great  courage 
and  enterprise,  who,  when  only  twenty-one  years 
of  age,  had  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyage,  and  distinguished  himself  much  by  his 
gallantry  and  audacious  spirit,  was  at  that  time 
lingering  about  the  court,  in  search  of  some  service 
or  employment,  in  which  to  gain  new  laurels  by 
his  prowess.  He  was  brought  up  as  a  page  by  the 


1  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  781. 

In  this  account  Columbus  still 
adhered  to  his  first  views  and,  did 
not  'imagine  for  a  moment  that 
when  he  touched  the  coast  of  Pa¬ 
ria,  he  had  found  a  continent. 


Ferdinand  Columbus  says  that 
“he  called  it  the  Holy  Island,  be¬ 
lieving  that  land  of  Paria  to  be 
no  continent.” — Ferd.  Columbus, 
chap.  Ixxi. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


143 


Duke  of  Medina  Celi,  one  of  the  earliest  supporters  chapter 

viii. 

of  Columbus  at  the  court  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- - 

bella,  and  had  been  trained  to  hardy  exercises  and 
daring*  exploits  in  the  Moorish  wars.  Possessing 
influential  connexions  and  friends,  lie  found  little 
difficulty  in  organizing  an  expedition  to  continue 
these  discoveries,  which  were  the  first  that  had 
roused  the  cupidity  of  the  Spaniards,  by  their 
enticing  descriptions  of  pearls,  and  gold,  and 
spices.1 


Hitherto  the  accounts  of  the  New  World  had  Enthusiasm 

respecting 

fallen  far  short  of  the  sanguine  anticipations  of  t^-0^‘1w 
men,  and,  as  appears  above,  the  disappointment  in 
the  expectations  of  all  was  so  great,  that  it  had 
been  found  necessary  to  force  sailors  to  accompany 
the  second  and  third  expeditions.  Convicts  and 
desperate  characters  of  all  descriptions  had  been 
pressed  into  the  service;  but  the  great  sensation 
produced  by  the  later  intelligence  entirely  altered 
the  face  of  affairs.  A  multitude  cf  adventurers, 
noble  as  well  as  of  low  degree,  came  eagerly  for¬ 
ward  to  enrol  themselves  as  volunteers  in  every 
new  armament,  and’  the  only  difficulty  was,  to 
make  a  judicious  selection  from  the  crowd  of 
applicants. 

The  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  held  the  chief  control  commis.ion 
of  all  matters  appertaining  to  the  affairs  of  the  In-  the  Bishop 
dies,  had  been  since  the  year  1493  a  bitter  enemy 
to  Columbus,  and  was  always  ready  to  seize  upon 
any  opportunity  to  annoy  and  impede  him  in  his 


i  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  945. 


144 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


undertakings.1  He  gladly  encouraged  Ojeda  to  pro- 
ceed  in  his  attempt,,  and  issued  a  commission,  giv¬ 
ing  him  full  authority.  Well  knowing  that  the 
representations  of  Columbus,  before  his  departure 
on  his  third  voyage,  had  procured  a  revocation  of 
the  edict  of  general  license  to  private  adventures, 
he  did  not  seek  the  approval  of  the  sovereigns,  and 
the  commission  appears  signed  by  him  alone,  in  vir¬ 
tue  of  his  general  superintendence  of  such  affairs.2 
It  was  worded  with  great  caution  and  address,  for 
the  Bishop  knew  that  King  Ferdinand  would  be 
gratified  at  the  prospect  of  extending  his  dominions 
at  the  expense  of  private  persons,  although  he  did 
not  wish  to  appear  guilty  of  any  public  breach  of 
faith  with  Columbus.  Accordingly,  the  only  pro-  ~ 
visos  which  the  license  of  Ojeda  contained,  were  to 
the  effect,  that  he  should  not  visit  any  lands  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  or  any  of  those  which 
had  been  discovered  for  Spain  previous  to  the  year 
1495  ;  thus  leaving  him  entire  liberty  to  explore 
the  coast  of  Paria  and  the  adjacent  countries,  and 


1  The  origin  of  the  difficulty  be¬ 
tween  Columbus  and  the  Bishop 
Fonseca  was  this.  While  at  Se¬ 
ville,  making  preparations  for  his 
second  voyage,  Columbus  found 
that  the  expenses  would  be  greater 
than  he  had  anticipated,  and  much 
delay  and  demurring  was  occasion¬ 
ed  in  the  settlement  of  his  accounts. 
Fonseca  was  very  captious  in  the 
matter,  and  in  particular  refused 
the  application  of  Columbus  for 
the  appointment  of  certain  mem¬ 


bers  of  his  household  retinue.  Co¬ 
lumbus  appealed  to  the  sover¬ 
eigns,  who  rebuked  the  Bishop  in 
a  letter,  in  which  they  ordered 
that  he  should  be  allowed  ten 
squires  or  unmounted  footmen,  and 
twenty  additional  servants,  in  va¬ 
rious  domestic  capacities.  Fonse¬ 
ca  cherished  the  memory  of  this 
affront,  as  he  chose  to  consider  it, 
to  the  latest  period  of  his  life. — 
Irving ,  vol.  ii.  p.  687. 

2  Navarrete,  tom.  ii. 


FRIGHTENED  NATIVES  JUMPING  OVERBOARD. 


When  they  heard  the  thundering  report  of  the  hig  guns,  the  greater  part  of  them 
jumped  into  the  sea  from  fright,  acting  like  frogs  sitting  on  a  hank,  who 
plunge  into  the  marsh  on  the  approach  of  anything  that  alarms' 

them.  (SeePage  132) 


' 


> 


■ 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


145 


giving  him  an  opportunity  to  reap  the  first  fruits  of  CHAPTER 
the  golden  harvest,  which  the  accounts  of  Americus  — 
and  Columbus  represented  as  awaiting  him. 

The  near  resemblance  of  its  incidents,  the  simi-  The  vova- 

'  es of  Or  d 

larity  of  dates  of  departure  and  arrival,  and  the  di-  and  Ameri- 
rect  testimony  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  himself,  in  the  caL 
course  of  the  lawsuit  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  re¬ 
ferred  to  in  a  previous  chapter,  render  it  almost  cer¬ 
tain  that  this  voyage  of  Ojeda  and  the  second  voy¬ 
age  of  Americus  are  identical.  It  is  true  that  the 
Italian  biographers  of  the  navigator  arrive  at  a  dif¬ 
ferent  conclusion,  but  they  had  not  the  benefit  of 
the  valuable  mass  of  testimony  which  has  recently 
been  brought  to  light  by  the  researches  of  Navar- 
rete  among  the  dusty  archives  of  Spain,  and  are  in 
some  degree  carried  away  by  their  desire  to  exalt 
Americus  to  a  separate  command  and  authority, 
rather  than  leave  him  in  the  less  showy  and  conse¬ 
quential,  but  more  useful  position  of  a  skilful  navi¬ 
gator  and  scientific  astronomer.  Before  proceeding, 
however,  to  give  the  descriptions  which  Americus 
has  left  of  his  second  voyage,  the  few  events  which 
have  come  down  to  the  present  time,  relating  to  his 
personal  history  during  the  interval  between  his  ar¬ 
rival  and  second  departure,  demand  attention. 

It  was  during  this  interval  of  about  seven  months,  Marriage  of 
that  Americus,  notwithstanding  the  multifarious  em-  «a!ia 
ployments  and  negotiations  in  which  he  was  en¬ 
gaged,  found  time  to  complete  a  matrimonial  en¬ 
gagement,  which  he  had  entered  into  before  his  first 
voyage.  Donna  Maria  Cerezo,  the  lady  whom  he 

19 


146 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VIII. 


Americus 
goes  to  the 
court. 


married,  became  known,  and  subsequently  betrothed 
to  him,  while  he  was  conducting  *  the  affairs  of  the 
house  of  Berardi,  in  Seville,  but  either  from  pruden¬ 
tial  motives,  or  some  other  cause  which  cannot  now 
be  ascertained,  their  nuptials  did  not  take  place  till 
after  his  first  voyage.  This  lady  was  a  native  of 
Seville,  of  an  honourable  though  not  wealthy  fami¬ 
ly,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that  her  alliance 
with  Americus  was  based  upon  motives  of  affection 
alone,  as  the  navigator  was  neither  at  that  time,  nor 
ever  afterwards,  in  affluent  circumstances.  Very 
little  is  known  respecting  this  lady,  excepting  that 
her  union  with  Americus  was  unproductive  ol  chil¬ 
dren,  and  that  she  survived  him,  receiving  from  the 
government,  after  his  death,  a  handsome  pension  in 
consideration  of  her  husband’s  services.1 

Soon  after  his  marriage,  Americus  visited  the 
court,  where  he  was  received  with  marked  atten¬ 
tion  by  the  king,  Ferdinand.  Bishop  Fonseca  paid 
him  particular  attention  and  honour.  He  was  con¬ 
sulted  respecting  new  expeditions,  and  his  accounts, 
of  what  he  had  already  seen,  were  listened  to  with 
the  greatest  interest.  The  cold  and  calculating 
spirit  of  the  king  was  gratified  by  finding  that 
others  besides  Columbus  could  add  to  his  dominions 
and  wealth,  for  he  already  repented  the  contract  he 
had  entered  into  with  the  Admiral.  When  that  was 
agreed  upon,  lie  little  dreamed  of  the  vast  conces¬ 
sions  he  was  making  to  a  subject,  considering  his 

1  See  the  Illustrations  and  Documents.  Translation  ol  Documents 
from  Navarrete. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIOS. 


147 


schemes  wild  and  visionary;  but  now  that  the  chapter 
brightest  hopes  of  the  advocates  of  Columbus  seem-  — VIIL  - 
ed  on  the  point  of  being  realized,  he  was  anxious  to 
grasp  as  much  as  possible  for  himself,  and  bitterly 
repented  his  former  bargain. 


Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  having  comparatively  little  ex¬ 
perience  as  a  navigator,  and  viewing  his  projected 
voyage  in  the  light  of  a  marauding  enterprise, 
rather  than  a,s  an  expedition  of  discovery,  was  nat¬ 
urally  desirous  of  engaging  the  services  of  compe¬ 
tent  and  scientific  navigators  to  conduct  his  fleet. 
He  made  immediate  application  to  Americus  and 
to  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  whose  reputation  for  skill  in 
nautical  affairs  was  deservedly  high,  and  urged 
strongly  that  they  should  accompany  him.1  Amer¬ 
icus  was  at  first  disinclined  to  go,  and  represented 
the  short  time  which  he  would  have  to  enjoy  the 
quiet  and  repose  of  home,  after  a  long  and  arduous 
voyage,  but  his  objections  were  of  no  avail.  Sec¬ 
onded  by  the  requests  of  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  the 
entreaties  of  Ojeda  prevailed,  and  Americus  decided 


again  to  visit  the  New  World. 

Thus  strengthened  by  the  patronage  of  the  Court, 
the  next  step  for  Ojeda  was  to  find  the  means  of 
equipping  his  expedition.  The  connection  of  Amer¬ 
icus  with  many  of  the  rich  merchants  of  Seville 
was  of  material  aid  in  this  particular,  and  but  little 
difficulty  was  experienced  in  finding  among  the 


A  new  fleet 
is  equipped 
at  the  port 
of  St.  Mary, 


1  For  a  sketch  of  the  lives  of  second  voyage,  see  Illustrations 
Ojeda  and  Jnan  de  la  Cosa,  the  and  Documents . 
companions  of  Americus,  in  his 


148 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

VIII. 


Sketch  of 
the  life  of 
Lorenzo  di 
Pier  Fran¬ 
cesco  de’ 
Medici. 


wealthy  capitalists  of  that  enterprising  city  some 
who  were  willing  to  stake  a  portion  of  their  for¬ 
tunes  on  the  successful  issue  of  the  schemes  of  the 
adventurer.  A  fleet  of  four  vessels  was  speedily 
equipped  at  St.  Mary,  a  port  on  the  shore  of  the 
hay  of  Cadiz,  opposite  to  that  city,  and  by  the  lat¬ 
ter  part  of  the  spring  of  1499  was  ready  for  sea. 
So  tempting  was  the  spirit  of  adventure,  that  many 
of  the  sailors  who,  at  their  own  request,  had  been 
sent  home  by  Columbus  from  Hispaniola,  enrolled 
themselves  in  this  new  expedition.1 

A  brief  notice  of  the  individual  to  whom  Ameri- 
cus  addressed  his  letters,  giving  an  account  of  his 
second  and  third  voyages,  may  not  be  without  in¬ 
terest  to  the  reader.  Cosmo  de’  Medici,  the  grand¬ 
father  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent,  had  a  brother  by 
name  Lorenzo,  in  connection  with  whom  he  carried 
on  a  very  extensive  trade,  both  in  Florence  and  in 
other  parts  of  the  world.  This  Lorenzo  left  only 
one  son,  Pier  Francesco,  who  inherited  his  wealth. 
It  was  retained,  however,  in  the  hands  of  Cosmo  de 
Medici,  for  some  years  after  his  death,  and  a  division 
of  the  family  property  did  not  take  place  until  the 
year  1451.  At  that  time  a  new  agreement  or  part¬ 
nership  was  entered  into,  by  which  it  was  stipula¬ 
ted  that  the  business  should  be  carried  on  for  the  joint 
benefit  of  Pier  Francesco,  and  the  two  sons  of  Cos¬ 
mo,  Piero  and  Giovanni,  and  that  their  profits  should 
be  divided  in  equal  thirds.  Very  large  acquisitions 
were  the  result  3f  this  arrangement,  but  while  Cos- 

1  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  945. 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


149 


mo  and  his  vsons  expended  immense  amounts  in 
public  charities  and  in  supporting  the  dignity  of 
chief  magistrates  of  the  republic,  Pier  Francesco 
preferred  the  quiet  of  private  life,  and  transmitted 
to  his  sons,  Lorenzo,  the  subject  of  this  notice,  and 
Giovanni,  a  patrimony  much  more  ample  than  that 
which  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  inherited  from  his 
father,  Piero. 

The  death  of  Pier  Francesco  took  place  in  1459. 
His  sons  continued  in  the  same  course  which  their 
father  had  pursued  throughout  life.  They  were 
both  anxious  rather  to  acquire  wealth  and  increase 
their  already  overgrown  property,  than  ambitious  of 
political  honours.  In  1490,  as  appears  previously 
in  this  work,  Lorenzo  gave  certain  commissions  to 
Americas,  which  were  one  cause  of  his  residence 
in  Spain.  At  the  time  of  the  expulsion  of  Piero  de 
Medici  from  Florence,  in  1494,  the  two  brothers, 
fearful  of  being  themselves  banished  in  the  popular 
commotions  which  ensued,  dropped  the  family 
name,  which  at  that  time  was  in  so  much  odium 
from  the  inefficient  management  of  Piero,  and  as¬ 
sumed  the  surname  of  Popoiani.  It  appears  that 
they  were  influenced  to  this  course  partly  by  a  de¬ 
sire  to  acquire  for  themselves  the  power  which  had 
passed  out  of  the  possession  of  the  elder  branch  of 
the  family ;  but,  if  so,  the  subsequent  elevation  of 
Piero  Soderini,  and  the  return  of  the  elder  branch, 
after  his  fall,  disappointed  their  hopes. 

Both  the  correspondent  of  Americus  and  his  bro¬ 
ther  passed  through  life  in  subordinate  stations,  and 


CHAPTER 

VIII. 


150 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIITS. 


CHAPTER 

VIII. 


though  the  ducal  house  which  afterwards  furnished, 
for  nearly  three  centuries,  a  line  of  monarchs  for 
Tuscany,  originated  in  their  branch  of  the  family, 
they  themselves  never  acquired  any  political  rant. 
They  continued  engaged  in  extensive  mercantile 
operations  throughout  their  lives,  and  were  known 
all  over  Europe  by  their  large  commercial  transac¬ 
tions.  When  Americus  wrote  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier 
Francesco  an  account  of  his  second  voyage,  they 
were  living  at  Florence,  under  the  government  of 
Piero  Soderini.1 

1  Roscoe,  Life  of  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  vol.  i.  181  ;  vol.  ii.  p.  404,  405 


l 


CHAPTER  IX. 


FIRST  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRAN- 
CESCO  DE’  MEDICI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS 

SECOND  VOYAGE. 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May  18th,  1499. — Makes  the  Canary  Islands. 
Arrives  at  the  New  World  in  twenty-four  Days. — Difficulty  ol  Dis- 
embarcation. — Freshness  of  the  Water  at  Sea. — Two  large  Rivers 
Discovered. — Ascent  of  one  of  them. — Description  of  the  Scenery. — 
Remarkable  Current. — Shadows  of  the  Sun. — The  Stars  of  the 
South  Pole. — Remarkable  Passage  in  Dante. — Calculation  of  Dis¬ 
tance  from  Cadiz. — Calculation  of  Longitude,  Aug.  23,  1499.  Oc¬ 
cupation  of  Mars. — Sails  Northwardly. — Discovers  an  Island. 
Description  of  the  Natives. — Their  Hospitality. — Present  of  Pearls. 
— Voyage  continued. — Meets  with  Unfriendly  Natives. — Cannibal¬ 
ism. — Battle  with  them. — Valour  of  a  Portuguese  Sailor.  A  very 
large  Race  of  Natives. — Venezuela. — Proceeds  to  Hispaniola.  Re¬ 
fitting  the  Fleet. — Continue  Homeward  Voyage. — Take  a  Cargo  of 
Slave-prisoners. — Arrive  at  the  Azores  and  Cadiz. — Conclusion  ot 
the  Voyage. 


Most  Excellent  and  dear  Lord, 

It  is  a  long  time  since  I  have  written  to  your  Ex¬ 
cellency,  and  for  no  other  reason  than  that  nothing 
has  occurred  to  me  worthy  of  being  commemorated. 
This  present  letter  will  inform  you,  that  about  a 
month  ago,  I  arrived  from  the  Indies,  by  the  way  ol 
the  great  ocean,  brought,  by  the  grace  of  God,  safe¬ 
ly  to  this  city  of  Seville.  I  think  your  Excellency 
will  be  gratified  to  learn  the  result  of  my  voyage, 
and  the  most  surprising  things  which  have  been  pre¬ 


en  apter 
IX. 


152 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Arrives  at 
the  conti¬ 
nent  in 
twenty-four 
days. 


sen  ted  to  my  observation.  If  I  am  somewhat  te¬ 
dious,  let  my  letter  be  read  in  your  more  idle  hours, 
as  fruit  is  eaten  after  the  doth  is  removed  from  the 
table.  Your  Excellency  will  please  to  note,  that, 
commissioned  by  his  highness  the  King  of  Spain,  I 
set  out  with  two  small  ships,  on  the  18th  of  May, 
1499,  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  southwest,  by 
way  of  the  great  ocean,  and  steered  my  course 
along  the  coast  of  Africa,  until  I  reached  the  Fortu¬ 
nate  Islands,  which  are  now  called  the  Canaries. 
After  having  provided  ourselves  with  all  things  ne¬ 
cessary,  first  offering  our  prayers  to  God,  we  set  sail 
from  an  island  which  is  called  Gomera,  and  turn¬ 
ing  our  prows  southwardly,  sailed  twenty-four  days 
with  a  fresh  wind,  without  seeing  any  land. 

At  the  end  of  these  twenty-four  days  we  came 
within  sight  of  land,  and  found  that  we  had  sailed 
about  thirteen  hundred  leagues,  and  were  at  that 
distance  from  the  city  of  Cadiz,  in  a  southwesterly 
direction.  When  we  saw  the  land  we  gave  thanks 
to  God,  and  then  launched  our  boats,  and,  with  six¬ 
teen  men,  went  to  the  shore,  which  we  found  thickly 
covered  with  trees,  astonishing  both  on  account  of 
their  size  and  their  verdure,  for  they  never  lose  their 
foliage.  The  sweet  odour  which  they  exhaled  (for 
they  are  all  aromatic)  highly  delighted  us,  and  we 
were  rejoiced  in  regaling  our  nostrils. 

We  rowed  along  the  shore  in  the  boats,  to  see  if 
we  could  find  any  suitable  place  for  landing,  but 
after  toiling  from  morning  till  night,  we  found  no 
way  or  passage  which  we  could  enter  and  disern- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


153 


bark.  We  were  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the 
lowness  of  the  land,  and  by  its  being  so  densely  cov¬ 
ered  with  trees.  We  concluded,  therefore,  to  re¬ 
turn  to  the  ships,  and  make  an  attempt  to  land  in 
some  other  spot. 

We  observed  one  remarkable  circumstance  in 
these  seas.  It  was,  that  at  fifteen  leagues  from  the 
land,  we  found  the  water  fresh  like  that  of  a  river 
— and  we  filled  all  our  empty  casks  with  it.  Hav¬ 
ing  returned  to  our  ships,  we  reused  anchor  and  set 
sail — turning  our  prows  southwardly,  as  it  was  my 
intention  to  see  whether  I  could  sail  round  a  point 
of  land,  which  Ptolomey  calls  the  Cape  of  Cattega- 
ra  (which  is  near  the  Great  Bay).1  In  my  opinion 
it  was  not  far  from  it,  according  to  the  degrees  of 
latitude  and  longitude,  which  will  be  stated  here¬ 
after.  Sailing  in  a  southerly  direction  along  the 
coast,  we  saw  two  large  rivers  issuing  from  the 
land — one  running  from  west  to  east,  and  being  four 
leagues  in  width,  which  is  sixteen  miles, — the  other 
ran  from  south  to  north,  and  was  three  leagues  wide. 
I  think  that  these  two  rivers,  by  reason  of  their 
magnitude,  caused  the  freshness  of  the  water  in  the 
adjoining  sea.  Seeing  that  the  coast  was  invariably 
low- ,  we  determined  to  enter  one  of  these  rivers  with 
the  boats,  and  ascend  it  till  we  either  found  a  suit¬ 
able  landing-place  or  an  inhabited  village. 

Having  prepared  our  boats,  and  put  in  provision 
for  four  days,  with  twenty  men  well  armed,  we 
entered  the  river,  and  rowed  nearly  two  days, 


1  See  the 


Dissertazitme  Gustificativa,  Nos.  85,  86 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Fresh  cur¬ 
rents  or  wa¬ 
ter  at  sea. 


154 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  making  a  distance  of  about  eighteen  leagues.  We 

IX* 

- attempted  to  land  in  many  places  by  the  way, 

but  found  the  low  land  still  continuing,  and  so 
thickly  covered  with  trees,  that  a  bird  could 
scarcely  fly  through  them.  While  thus  navigating 
the  river,  we  saw  very  certain  indications  that  the 
inland  parts  of  the  country  were  inhabited ;  never¬ 
theless,  as  our  vessels  remained  in  a  dangerous 
place,  in  case  an  adverse  wind  should  arise,  we 
concluded,  at  the  end  of  two  days,  to  return. 

Sees  beauti-  Here  we  saw  an  immense  number  of  birds,  of 

1  ill  birds  and  ' 

foliage,  various  forms  and  colours ;  a  great  number  of  par¬ 
rots,  and  so  many  varieties  of  them,  that  it  caused 
us  great  astonishment.  Some  were  crimson-col¬ 
oured,  others  of  variagated  green  and  lemon,  others 
entirely  green,  and  others,  again,  that  were  black 
and  flesh-coloured.  Oh  !  the  song  of  other  species 
of  birds,  also,  was  so  sweet  and  so  melodious,  as 
we  heard  it  among  the  trees,  that  we  often  lin¬ 
gered,  listening  to  their  charming  music.  The 
trees,  too,  were  so  beautiful,  and  smelt  so  sweetly, 
that  we  almost  imagined  ourselves  in  a  terres¬ 
trial  paradise  ;  yet  not  one  of  those  trees,  or  the 
fruit  of  them,  were  similar  to  the  trees  or  fruit 
in  our  part  of  the  world.  On  our  way  back  we 
saw  many  people,  of  various  descriptions,  fishing  in 
the  river. 

Having  arrived  at  our  ships,  we  raised  anchor 
and  set  sail,  still  continuing  in  a  southerly  direc¬ 
tion,  and  standing  off  to  sea  about  forty  leagues. 
While  sailing  on  this  course,  we  encountered  a 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


155 


current,  which  ran  from  southeast  to  northwest ;  so  chapter 
great  was  it,  and  ran  so  furiously,  that  we  were  put 
into  great  fear,  and  were  exposed  to  great  peril. 

The  current  was  so  strong,  that  the  Strait  of  Gib¬ 
raltar  and  that  of  the  Faro  of  Messina  appeared 
to  us  like  mere  stagnant  water  in  comparison 
with  it.  We  could  scarcely  make  any  headway 
against  it,  though  we  had  the  wind  fresh  and  fair. 

Seeing  that  we  made  no  progress,  or  but  very 
little,  and  the  danger  to  which  we  were  exposed, 
we  determined  to  turn  our  prows  to  the  north- 
west. 

As  I  know,  if  I  remember  right,  that  your  Ex-  u^ge<> 
cellency  understands  something  of  cosmography,  I 
intend  to  describe  to  you  our  progress,  in  our  slia^ou* 
navigation  by  the  latitude  and  longitude.  We 
sailed  so  far  to  the  south,  that  we  entered  the 
Torrid  Zone,  and  penetrated  the  Circle  of  Cancer. 

You  may  rest  assured,  that  for  a  few  days,  while 
sailing  through  the  Torrid  Zone,  we  saw  four 
shadows  of  the  sun,  as  the  sun  appeared  in  the 
zenith  to  us  at  mid-day.  I  would  say  that  the 
sun,  being  in  our  meridian,  gave  us  no  shadow, 
and  this  I  was  enabled  many  times  to  demonstrate 
to  all  the  company,  and  took  their  testimony  ol  the 
•fact.  This  I  did  on  account  of  the  ignorance  of  the 
common  people,  who  do  not  know  that  the  sun 
moves  through  its  circle  of  the  zodiac.  At  one 
time  I  saw  our  shadow^  to  the  south,  at  another 
to  the  north,  at  another  to  the  west,  and  at  another 


156 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  to  the  east,  and  sometimes,  for  an  hour  or  two  of 

LX. 

the  day,  we  had  no  shadow  at  all. 

We  sailed  so  far  south  in  the  Torrid  Zone,  that 
we  found  ourselves  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and 
had  both  poles  at  the  edge  of  the  horizon.  Having 
passed  the  line,  and  sailed  six  degrees  to  the  south 
of  it,  we  lost  sight  of  the  north  star  altogether,  and 
even  the  stars  of  Ursa  Minor,  or,  to  speak  better, 
the  guardians  which  revolve  about  the  firmament, 
were  scarcely  seen.  Very  desirous  of  being  the 
author  who  should  designate  the  other  polar  star 
of  the  firmament,  I  lost,  many  a  time,  my  night’s 
sleep,  while  contemplating  the  movement  of  the 
stars  around  the  Southern  Pole,  in  order  to  ascer¬ 
tain  which  had  the  least  motion,  and  which  might 
be  nearest  to  the  firmament,  but  I  was  not  able  to 
accomplish  it  with  such  bad  nights  as  I  had,  and 
such  instruments  as  I  used,  which  were  the  quad¬ 
rant  and  astrolabe.  I  could  not  distinguish  a  star 
which  had  less  than  ten  degrees  of  motion  around 
the  firmament ;  so  that  I  was  not  satisfied  within 
myself,  to  name  any  particular  one  for  the  pole  of 
the  meridian,  on  account  of  the  large  revolution 
which  they  all  made  around  the  firmament. 

While  I  was  arriving  at  this  conclusion  as  the 
result  of  my  investigations,  I  recollected  a  verse  of* 
our  poet  Dante,  which  may  be  found  in  the  first 
chapter  of  his  “  Purgatory,”  where  he  imagines  he 
is  leaving  this  hemisphere  to  repair  to  the  other, 
and  attempting  to  describe  the  Antartic  pole,  says : 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


157 


“  lo  mi  volsi  a  man  destra  e  posi  mente 
All’  altro  polo,  e  vidi  quattro  stelle 
Non  viste  mai,  fuor  che  alia  prima  gente  : 

Goder  pareva  il  Ciel  di  lor  fiammelle  : 

O  settentrional  vedovo  sito 
Poiche  privato  sei  di  mirar  quelle.”1 

it  appears  to  me  that  the  poet  wished  to  describe 
in  tiiese  verses,  by  the  four  stars,  the  pole  of  the 
other  firmament,  and  I  have  little  doubt,  even  now, 


l  To  the  right  hand  I  turned,  and  fixed 
my  mind 

On  the  other  pole  attentive,  where  I  saw 

Four  stars  ne’er  seen  before  save  by 
the  ken 

Of  our  first  parents.  Heaven  of  their 
rays 

Seemed  joyous.  Oh  thou  northern  site, 
bereft 

Indeed,  and  widowed,  since  of  these 
deprived. 

Carey's  Dante ,  Vision  of  Purgatory ,  Can.  i. 

Venturi  observes  that  “Dante 
here  speaks  as  a  poet,  and  almost 
in  the  spirit  of  prophecy ;  or  what 
is  more  likely,  describes  the  heav¬ 
ens  about  that  pole  according  to 
his  own  invention.  In  our  days,” 
he  adds,  “the  cross,  composed  of 
four  stars,  three  of  the  second  and 
one  of  the  third  magnitude,  serves 
as  a  guide  to  those  who  sail  from 
Europe  to  the  south,  but  in  the 
age  of  Dante  these  discoveries  had 
not  been  made.”  “  It  appears 
probable,”  says  Carey,  in  a  note 
to  this  passage,  “  that  either  from 
long  tradition,  or  from  the  relation 
of  later  voyagers,  the  real  truth 
might  not  have  been  unknown  to 
our  poet.  Seneca’s  predictions  of 
the  discovery  of  America  may  be 
accounted  for  in  a  similar  manner. 
But  whatever  may  be  thought  of 
this,  it  is  certain  that  the  four  stars 
are  here  symbolical  of  the  four 


cardinal  virtues,  Prudence,  Justice, 
Fortitude,  and  Temperance.  M. 
Artaud  mentions  a  globe  construct¬ 
ed  by  an  Arabian  in  Egypt,  with 
the  date  of  the  year  622  of  the 
Hegira,  corresponding  to  1225  of 
our  era,  in  which  the  Southern 
Cross  is  positively  marked.  See 
his  Histoire  de  Dante ,  chap.  xxxi. 
and  xl.  8vo.  Par.  1841. 

The  prediction  of  Seneca  is  con¬ 
tained  in  the  well  known  lines 
from  Medea, 

Venient  annis 

Sfficula  seris,  quibus  Oceanus 
Vinculis  rerum  laxet,  et  ingens 
Pateat  tellus,  Typhisque  novos 
Detegat  orbes,  nec  sit  terris 
Ultima  Thule. 

See  also  the  Illustrations  and  Doc¬ 
uments — Eulogy  of  Americus. — 
Canovai  says,  in  a  note  at  this 
passage,  that  Pigafetta  speaks  as 
follows  of  the  Antarctic  Pole:  “At 
the  Antarctic  Pole  are  seen  many 
stars  congregated  together,  which 
are  like  two  mists,  separated  from 
each  other,  and  a  little  obscure  in 
the  middle.  Between  these  are 
two  not  very  large  or  very  bright, 
and  which  have  little  motion,  and 
these  two  are  the  Antarctic  Pole.” 
— Ramusio ,  tom.  i.  p.  356.  A  Por¬ 
tuguese  navigator,  in  the  same 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


The  South¬ 
ern  Cross. 


158 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


that  what  he  says  may  be  true.  I  observed  four 
stars  in  the  figure  of  an  almond,  which  had  but 
little  motion,  and  if  God  gives  me  life  and  health, 
I  hope  to  go  again  into  that  hemisphere,  and  not  to 
return  without  observing  the  pole.  In  conclusion, 
I  would  remark,  that  we  extended  our  navigation 
so  far  south,  that  our  difference  of  latitude  from 
the  city  of  Cadiz  was  sixty  degrees  and  a  half,  be¬ 
cause,  at  that  city,  the  pole  is  elevated  thirty-five 
degrees  and  a  half,  and  we  had  passed  six  degrees 
beyond  the  equinoctial  line.1  Let  this  suffice  as  to 

grees  distant,  and  it  makes  its  rev¬ 
olution  in  twenty-four  hours,  and 
is  so  beautiful,  that,  it  appears  to 
me,  no  other  heavenly  sign  can  be 

compared  with  it . I  think 

this  may  be  the  cross  of  which 
Dante  speaks  with  prophetic  spir¬ 
it.” — lb.  p.  177,  E.  And  finally 
Giuntini,  in  the  Comments  on  the 
Sfera  del  Sacro  Bosco,  writes, 
“  Some  Portuguese  mariners,  while 
seeking  the  noble  emporium  of  In¬ 
dia,  now  called  Calcutta,  sailing 
round  the  whole  Atlantic  Ocean, 
saw  the  other  pole,  meanwhile, 
elevated  above  fifty  degrees,  at 
the  same  time  that  our  pole  was 
depressed  below  the  horizon.” — 
In.  C.  1.  Sphera  de  Sacro  Bosco. 
Canovai ,  tom.  i.  p.  103,  note 
1  The  following  is  the  calcula¬ 
tion  of  Americus  more  plainly  ex¬ 
pressed  : 

From  the  Pole  to  the  Equator  is  .  .  90c 
From  the  Equator  to  his  position  at 
the  time* . 0° 

Total  .  .  96° 

Deduct  the  Latitude  of  Cadiz  .  .  35^° 

Difference  of  Latitude  .  .  G0)£o 

*See  Canovai,  tom.  ii.  p.  105. 


collection,  says,  “  As  we  arrived 
at  the  golden  river,  we  began  to 
see  four  stars  of  admirable  size 
and  lucidity,  placed  in  the  form  of 
a  cross,  which  are  thirty  degrees 
distant  from  the  Antarctic  Pole, 
and  we  called  it  the  Cross,  and 
raised  an  instrument  to  one  of  these 
four  stars,  which  is  the  foot  of  the 
cross,  and  as  it  is  found  there  in 
the  south,  we  knew  its  centre  to 
be  the  Antarctic  Pole.’  — Ibid.  p. 
117,  D.  Corsali  speaks  in  terms 
more  cogent  yet,  in  confirming  the 
observations  and  application  of 
Americus.  “  In  which  place  is 

the  pole . two  clouds  of 

reasonable  size  evidently  manifest 
it,  moving  around  it  continually 
in  a  circular  motion,  now  rising 
and  now  descending  with  one  star 
always  in  the  middle,  which,  with 
them,  revolves  about  eleven  de¬ 
grees  distant  from  the  pole.  Above 
these  appears  a  marvellous  cross, 
in  the  midst  of  five  stars  whicli 

surround  it . with  other 

stars  which  go  with  it  round  the 
pole,  revolving  about  thirty  de- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


159 


our  latitude.  You  must  observe  that  this  our  nav¬ 
igation  was  in  the  months  of  July,  August,  and 
September,  when,  as  you  know,  the  sun  is  longest 
above  the  horizon  in  our  hemisphere,  and  describes 
the  greatest  arch  in  the  day,  and  the  least  in  the 
night.  On  the  contrary,  while  we  were  at  the 
equinoctial  line,  or  near  it,  within  four  to  six  degrees, 
the  difference  hetw.een  the  day  and  night  was  not 
perceptible.  They  were  of  equal  length,  or  very 
nearly  so. 

As  to  the  longitude,  I  would  say  that  I  found  so 
much  difficulty  in  discovering  it,  that  I  had  to  la¬ 
bour  very  hard  to  ascertain  the  distance  I  had  made 
by  means  of  longitude.  I  found  nothing  better,  at 
last,  than  to  watch  the  opposition  of  the  planets 
during  the  night,  and  especially  that  of  the  moon, 
with  the  other  planets,  because  the  moon  is  swifter 
in  her  course  than  any  other  of  the  heavenly  bodies. 
I  compared  my  observations  with  the  almanac  of 
Giovanni  da  Monteregio,  which  was  composed  for 
the  meridian  of  the  city  of  Ferrara,  verifying  them 
with  the  calculations  in  the  tables  of  King  Alphonso, 
and,  afterwards,  with  the  many  observations  I  had 
myself  made  one  night  with  another. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  1499  (when  the 
moon  was  in  conjunction  with  Mars,  which,  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  almanac,  was  to  take  place  at  midnight,  or 
half  an  hour  after),  I  found  that  when  the  moon  rose 
to  the  horizon  an  hour  and  a  half  after  the  sun  had 
set,  the  planet  had  passed  in  that  part  of  the  east. 
I  observed  that  the  moon  was  about  a  degree  and 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Transit  of 
Mars,  Au¬ 
gust  23d, 
1499. 


160 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


some  minutes  farther  east  than  Mars,  and  at  mid¬ 
night  she  was  five  degrees  and  a  half  fahher  east, 
a  little  more  or  less.  So  that,  making  the  propor¬ 
tion  :  if  twenty-four  hours  are  equal  to  360  degrees, 
what  are  live  hours  and  a  half  equal  to  ?  I  found 
the  result  to  be  eighty-two  degrees  and  a  half, 
which  was  equal  to  my  longitude  from  the  meridian 
of  the  city  of  Cadiz ;  then  giving  to  every  degree 
sixteen  leagues  and  two  thirds,  I  found  myself  dis¬ 
tant  west  from  the  city  of  Cadiz  thirteen  hundred 
and  sixty-six  leagues  and  two  thirds,  which  is  five 
thousand  four  hundred  and  sixty-six  miles  and 
two  thirds.  The  reason  why  I  give  sixteen  leagues 
to  each  degree  is,  because,  according  to  Tolomeo 
and  Alfagrano,  the  earth  turns  twenty-four  thou¬ 
sand  miles,  which  is  equal  to  six  thousand  leagues, 
which,  being  divided  by  360  degrees,  gives  to  each 
degree  sixteen  leagues  and  two  thirds.  This  cal¬ 
culation  I  certified  many  times  conjointly  with  the 
pilots,  and  found  it  true  and  good.1 

It  appears  to  me,  most  excellent  Lorenzo,  that 
by  this  voyage  most  of  those  philosophers  are  con¬ 
troverted,  who  say  that  the  Torrid  Zone  cannot  be 
inhabited  on  account  of  the  great  heat.  I  have 
found  the  case  to  be  quite  the  contrary.  I  have 
found  that  the  air  is  fresher  and  more  temperate  in 
that  region  than  beyond  it,  and  that  the  inhabitants 

1  Sacrobosco  calculates  the  cir-  It  will  be  observed  that  Americus 
cumference  of  the  earth  at  31,500  approximated  more  closely  to  the 
miles,  Bali  an  i  at  30,000,  and  mod-  modern  estimate  than  either. — 
era  astronomers  at  21,600  at  the  Canovai ,  tom.  i.  p.  105,  note, 
equator,  and  21,532  at  the  poles. 


CAREENING-  OF  SHIPS  FOR  REPAIRS. 


We  made  a  "breastwork  on  shore  with  our  boats  and  our  casks,  and  place  d'our  artil¬ 
lery  so  that  it  would  play  over  them  ;  then  having  unloaded  and  lightened 
our'ships,  we  hauled  them  to  land,  and  repaired  them  wherever  they 

needed  it.  (See  Page  136  ) 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


161 


are  also  more  numerous  here  than  they  are  in  the 
other  zones,  for  reasons  which  will  be  given  below. 
Thus  it  is  certain,  that  practice  is  of  more  value 
than  theory. 

Thus  far  I  have  related  the  navigation  I  accom¬ 
plished  in  the  South  and  West.  It  now  remains 
for  me  to  inform  you  of  the  appearance  of  the  coun¬ 
try  we  discovered,  the  nature  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  their  customs,  the  animals  we  saw,  and  of 
many  other  things  worthy  of  remembrance,  which 
fell  under  my  observation.  After  we  turned  our 
course  to  the  north,  the  first  land  we  found  to  be 
inhabited  was  an  island,  at  ten  degrees  distant  from 
the  equinoctial  line.  When  we  arrived  at  it,  we 
saw  on  the  seashore  a  great  many  people  who  stood 
looking  at  us  with  astonishment.  We  anchored  with¬ 
in  about  a  mile  of  the  land,  fitted  out  the  boats,  and 
twenty-two  men,  well  armed,  made  for  land.  The 
people,  when  they  saw  us  landing,  and  perceived 
that  we  were  different  from  themselves  (because 
they  have  no  beard  and  wear  no  clothing  of  any 
description,  being  also  of  a  different  colour,  they 
being  brown  and  we  white),  began  to  be  afraid  of 
us,  and  all  ran  into  the  woods.  With  great  exer¬ 
tion,  by  means  of  signs,  we  reassured  them,  and 
negotiated  with  them.  We  found  that  they  were 
of  a  race  called  cannibals,  the  greater  part,  or  all  of 
whom,  live  on  human  flesh. 

Your  Excellency  may  rest  assured  of  this  fact. 
They  do  not  eat  one  another,  but  navigating  with 
certain  barks  which  they  call  canoes ,  they  bring 

21 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Description 

of  the  na¬ 
tives.  A 
race  of  can* 
nibals. 


162 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


('.HAPTER 

IX. 


Sail  along 
the  shore 
and  arrive 
at  the  Gulf 
of  Paria. 


their  prey  from  the  neighbouring  islands  or  coun¬ 
tries  inhabited  by  those  who  are  enemies,  or  of  a 
different  tribe  from  their  own.  They  never  eat  any 
women,  unless  they  consider  them  outcasts.  These 
things  we  verified  in  many  places  where  we  found 
similar  people.  We  often  saw  the  bones  and  heads 
of  those  who  had  been  eaten,  and  they  who  had 
made  the  repast  admitted  the  fact,  and  said  that 
their  enemies  always  stood  in  much  greater  fear  on 
that  account. 

Still  they  are  a  people  of  gentle  disposition  and 
beautiful  stature.  They  go  entirely  naked,  and  the 
arms  which  they  carry  are  bows  and  arrows,  and 
shields.  They  are  a  people  of  great  activity  and 
much  courage.  They  are  very  excellent  marksmen. 
In  fine,  we  held  much  intercourse  with  them,  and 
they  took  us  to  one  of  their  villages  about  two 
leagues  inland,  and  gave  us  our  breakfast.  They 
gave  whatever  was  asked  of  them,  though  I  think 
more  through  fear  than  affection,  and  after  having 
been  with  them  all  one  day,  we  returned  to  the 
ships,  still  remaining  on  friendly  terms  with  them. 

We  sailed  along  the  coast  of  this  island,  and  saw 
by  the  seashore  another  large  village  of  the  same 
tribe.  We  landed  in  the  boats,  and  found  they 
were  waiting  for  us,  all  loaded  with  provisions,  and 
they  gave  us  enough  to  make  a  very  good  breakfast, 
according  to  their  ideas  of  dishes.  Seeing  they 
were  such  kind  people,  and  treated  us  so  well,  we 
dared  not  take  any  thing  from  them,  and  made 
sail  till  we  arrived  at  a  gulf  which  is  called  the 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIU^. 


163 


Gulf  of  Faria.  We  anchored  opposite  the  mouth 
of  a  great  riter,  which  causes  the  water  of  this  gulf 
to  be  fresh,  and  saw  a  large  village  close  to  the  sea. 
We  were  surprised  at  the  great  number  of  people 
who  were  seen  there.  They  were  without  arms, 
and  seemed  peaceably  disposed.  We  went  ashore 
with  the  boats,  and  they  received  us  with  great 
friendship,  and  took  us  to  their  houses,  where  they 
had  made  very  good  preparations  for  breakfast. 
Here  they  gave  us  three  sorts  of  wine  to  drink,  not 
of  the  juice  of  the  grape,  but  made  of  fruits  like 
beer,  and  they  were  excellent.  Here  also  we  ate 
many  fresh  acorns,  a  most  royal  fruit.  They  gave 
us  many  other  fruits,  all  different  from  ours,  and  of 
very  good  flavour,  the  flavour  and  odour  of  all  being 
aromatic. 

They  gave  us  some  small  pearls,  and  eleven  large 
ones ;  and  they  told  us  by  signs,  that  if  we  would 
wait  some  days,  they  would  go  and  fish  for  them, 
and  bring  us  many  of  them.  We  did  not  wish  to 
be  detained,  so  with  many  parrots  of  various 
colours,  and  in  good  friendship,  we  parted  from 
them.  From  these  people  we  learned  that  those 
of  the  before  mentioned  island  were  cannibals, 
and  ate  human  flesh.  We  issued  from  this  gulf 
and  sailed  along  the  coast,  seeing  continually  great 
numbers  of  people,  and  when  we  were  so  disposed, 
we  treated  with  them,  and  they  gave  us  every  thing 
we  asked  of  them.  They  all  go  as  naked  as  they 
were  born,  without  being  ashamed.  If  all  were  to 
be  related  concerning  the  little  shame  they  have,  it 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


164 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  would  be  bordering  on  impropriety,  therefore  it  is 
better  to  suppress  it. 

theshore?  After  *lavi ng  sailed  about  four  hundred  leagues 
Unehnt  four  continually  along  the  coast,  we  concluded  that  this 
leagued  laild  was  a  continent,  which  might  be  bounded  by  the 
eastern  parts  of  Asia,  this  being  the  commencement 
of  the  western  part  of  the  continent.  Because  it  hap¬ 
pened  often  that  we  saw  divers  animals,  such  as 
lions,  stags,  goats,  wild  hogs,  rabbits,  and  other  land 
animals,  which  are  not  found  in  islands,  but  only  on 
the  main  land.  Going  inland  one  day  with  twenty 
men,  we  saw  a  serpent  which  was  about  twenty- 
four  feet  in  length,  and  as  large  in  girth  as  myself. 
We  were  very  much  afraid  of  it,  and  the  sight  of 
it  caused  us  to  return  immediately  to  the  sea.  I 
oftentimes  saw  many  very  ferocious  animals  and 
large  serpents. 

Thus  sailing  along  the  coast,  we  discovered  every 
day  a  great  number  of  people,  speaking  various 
languages.  When  we  had  navigated  four  hundred 
leagues  along  the  coast,  we  began  to  find  people 
who  did  not  wish  for  our  friendship,  but  stood 
waiting  for  us  with  their  arms,  which  were  bows 
and  arrows,  and  with  some  other  arms  which  they 
use.  When  we  went  to  the  shore  in  our  boats, 
they  disputed  our  landing  in  such  a  manner  that 
we  were  obliged  to  fight  with  them.  At  the  end 
of  the  battle  they  found  that  they  had  the  worst  of 
it,  for  as  they  were  naked,  we  always  made  great 
slaughter.  Many  times  not  more  than  sixteen 
of  us  fought  with  two  thousand  of  them,  and  in 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


165 


the  end  defeated  them,  killing  many,  and  robbing 
their  houses. 

One  day  we  saw  a  great  number  of  people,  all 
posted  in  battle  array  to  prevent  our  landing.  We 
fitted  out  twenty-six  men  well  armed,  and  covered 
the  boats,  on  account  of  the  arrows  which  were 
shot  at  us,  and  which  always  wounded  some  of  us 
before  we  landed.  After  they  had  hindered  us  as 
long  as  they  could,  we  leaped  on  shore,  and  fought 
a  hard  battle  with  them.  The  reason  why  they 
had  so  much  courage  and  made  such  great  exertion 
against  us,  was,  that  they  did  not  know  what  kind 
of  a  weapon  the  sword  was,  or  how  it  cuts.  While 
thus  engaged  in  combat,  so  great  was  the  multitude 
of  people  who  charged  upon  us,  throwing  at  us 
such  a  cloud  of  arrows,  that  we  could  not  withstand 
the  assault,  and  nearly  abandoning  the  hope  of  life, 
we  turned  our  backs  and  ran  to  the  boats.  While 
thus  disheartened  and  flying,  one  of  our  sailors,  a 
Portuguese,  a  man  of  fifty-five  years  of  age,  who 
had  remained  to  guard  the  boat,  seeing  the  danger 
we  were  in,  jumped  on  shore,  and  with  a  loud 
voice  called  out  to  us,  u  Children !  turn  your  faces 
to  your  enemies,  and  God  will  give  you  the  victory  !” 
Throwing  himself  on  his  knees,  he  made  a  prayer, 
and  then  rushed  furiously  upon  the  Indians,  and  we 
all  joined  with  him,  wounded  as  we  were.  On  that 
they  turned  their  backs  to  us,  and  began  to  flee, 
and  finally  we  routed,  them,  and  killed  a  hundred 
and  fifty.  We  burned  their  houses  also,  at  least 
one  hundred  and  eighty  in  number.  Then,  as  we 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Battle  with 
the  natives 
and  gallant¬ 
ry  of  a  Por¬ 
tuguese 
sailor. 


166 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  were  badly  wounded  and  weary,  we  returned  tc 

- the  ships,  and  went  into  a  harbour  to  recruit,  where 

we  staid  twenty  days,  solely  that  the  physician 
might  cure  us.  All  escaped  except  one,  who  was 
wounded  in  the  left  breast. 

Continue  After  being  cured,  we  recommenced  our  navi- 

the  voyage  # 

and  encoun-  gation,  and,  through  the  same  cause,  we  often  were 
gigftives na  °khged  to  fight  with  a  great  many  people,  and 
always  had  the  victory  over  them.  Thus  con¬ 
tinuing  our  voyage,  we  came  upon  an  island, 
fifteen  leagues  distant  from  the  mainland.  As  at 
our  arrival  we  saw  no  collection  of  people,  the 
island  appearing  favourably,  we  determined  to 
attempt  it,  and  eleven  of  us  landed.  We  found  a 
path,  in  which  we  walked  nearly  two  leagues  in¬ 
land,  and  came  to  a  village  of  about  twelve  houses, 
in  which  there  were  only  seven  women,  who  were 
so  large,  that  there  was  not  one  among  them  who 
was  not  a  span  and  a  half  taller  than  myself. 
When  they  saw  us,  they  were  very  much  fright¬ 
ened,  and  the  principal  one  among  them,  who  was 
certainly  a  discreet  woman,  led  us  by  signs  into  a 
house,  and  had  refreshments  prepared  for  us. 

We  saw  such  large  women,  that  were  about 
determining  to  carry  off  two  young  ones,  about 
fifteen  years  of  age,  and  make  a  present  of  them 
to  this  king,  as  they  were,  without  doubt,  crea¬ 
tures  whose  stature  was  above  that  of  common 
men.  While  we  were  debating  this  subject, 
thirty-six  men  entered  the  house  where  we  were 
drinking ;  they  were  of  such  large  stature,  that 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


16? 


each  one  was  taller  when  upon  his  knees  than  I 
when  standing  erect.  In  fact,  they  were  of  the 
stature  of  giants  in  their  size,  and  in  the  propor¬ 
tion  of  their  bodies,  which  corresponded  well  with 
their  height.  Each  of  the  women  appeared  a  Pan- 
tasilea1  and  the  men  Antei.  When  they  came  in, 
some  of  our  own  number  were  so  frightened  that 
they  did  not  consider  themselves  safe.  They  had 
bows  and  arrows,  and  very  large  clubs,  made  in 
the  form  of  swords.  Seeing  that  we  were  of  small 
stature,  they  began  to  converse  with  us,  in  order  to 
learn  who  we  were,  and  from  what  parts  we 
came.  We  gave  them  fair  words,  for  the  sake  of 
peace,  and  answered  them,  by  signs,  that  wre  were 
men  of  peace,  and  that  we  wTere  going  to  see  the 
world.  Finally,  wTe  held  it  to  be  our  w  isest  course 
to  part  from  them  without  questioning  in  our  turn ; 
so  we  returned  by  the  same  path  in  which  we 
had  come — they  accompanying  us  quite  to  the  sea, 
till  we  went  on  board  the  ships. 

Nearly  half  the  trees  of  this  island  are  of  dye- 
wood,  as  good  as  that  of  the  East.  We  went  from 
this  island  to  another,  in  the  vicinity,  at  ten  leagues 
distance,  and  found  a  very  large  village — the  hou¬ 
ses  of  which  were  built  over  the  sea,  like  Venice, 
with  much  ingenuity.  While  we  were  struck 
with  admiration  at  this  circumstance,  we  deter¬ 
mined  to  go  and  see  them;  and  as  we  went  to 
their  houses,  they  attempted  to  prevent  our  enter¬ 
ing.  They  found  out  at  last  the  manner  in  which 
the  sword  cuts,  and  thought  it  best  to  let  us 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Arrive  at  a 
place  after¬ 
wards  call¬ 
ed  Venezue¬ 
la. 


168 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  enter.  We  found  their  houses  filled  with  the 
finest  cotton,  and  the  beams  of  their  dwellings 
were  made  of  dye-wood.  We  took  a  quantity  of 
their  cotton  and  some  dye-wood,  and  returned  to 
the  ships. 

Your  Excellency  must  know,  that  in  all  parts 
where  we  landed,  we  found  a  great  quantity  of  cot¬ 
ton,  and  the  country  filled  with  cotton  trees.  So 
that  all  the  vessels  in  the  world  might  be  loaded  in 
these  parts  with  cotton  and  dye-wood. 

At  length  we  sailed  three  hundred  leagues  farther 
along  the  coast,  constantly  finding  savage  hut  brave 
people,  and  very  often  fighting  with  them,  and  van¬ 
quishing  them.  We  found  seven  different  languages 
among  them,  each  of  which  was  not  understood  by 
those  who  spoke  the  others.  It  is  said  there  are  not 
more  than  seventy-seven  languages  in  the  world,  but 
I  say  that  there  are  more  than  a  thousand,  as  there 
are  more  than  forty  which  I  have  heard  myself. 

Determine  After  having  sailed  along  this  coast  seven  h un¬ 
to  go  to  His- 

pamoia.  dred  leagues  or  more,  besides  visiting  numerous 
islands,  our  ships  became  greatly  sea-worn,  and 
leaked  badly,  so  that  we  could  hardly  keep  them 
free  with  two  pumps  going.  The  men  also  were 
much  fatigued,  and  the  provisions  growing  short. 
We  were  then,  according  to  the  decision  of  the  pi¬ 
lots,  within  a  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  of  an 
island  called  Hispaniola,  discovered  by  the  Admiral 
Columbus  six  years  before.  We  determined  to 
proceed  to  it,  and  as  it  was  inhabited  by  Christians, 
to  repair  our  ships  there,  allow  the  men  a  little  re- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


169 


pose,  and  recruit  our  stock  of  provisions  ;  because 
from  this  island  to  Castile  there  are  three  hundred 
leagues  of  ocean,  without  any  land  intervening. 

In  seven  days  we  arrived  at  this  island,  where 
we  staid  two  months.  Here  we  refitted  our  ships 
and  obtained  our  supply  of  provisions.  We  after¬ 
wards  concluded  to  go  to  northern  parts,  where  we 
discoverd  more  than  a  thousand  islands,  the  greater 
part  of  them  inhabited.  The  people  were  without 
clothing,  timid  and  ignorant,  and  we  did  whatever 
we  wished  to  do  with  them.  This  last  portion  of 
our  discoveries  was  very  dangerous  to  our  naviga¬ 
tion,  on  account  of  the  shoals  which  we  found 
thereabouts..  In  several  instances  we  came  near 
being  lost.  We  sailed  in  this  sea  two  hundred 
leagues  directly  north,  until  our  people  had  become 
worn  down  with  fatigue,  through  having  been  al¬ 
ready  nearly  a  year  at  sea.  Their  allowance  was 
only  six  ounces  of  bread  for  eating,  and  but  three 
small  measures  of  water  for  drinking,  per  diem. 
And  as  the  ships  became  dangerous  to  navigate 
with  much  longer,  they  remonstrated,  saying  that 
they  wished  to  return  to  their  homes  in  Castile, 
and  not  to  tempt  fortune  and  the  sea  any  more. 
Whereupon  we  concluded  to  take  some  prisoners, 
as  slaves,  and  loading  the  ships  with  them,  to  re¬ 
turn  at  once  to  Spain.  Going,  therefore,  to  certain 
islands,  we  possessed  ourselves  by  force  of  two 
hundred  and  thirty-two,  and  steered  our  course  for 
Castile.  In  sixty-seven  days  we  crossed  the  ocean, 
and  arrived  at  the  islands  of  the  Azores,  which  be- 

22 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Return  Voy¬ 
age. 


170 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  long  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  and  are  three  hundred 

- — —  leagues  distant  from  Cadiz.  Here  having  taken  in 

our  refreshments,  we  sailed  for  Castile,  but  the 

wind  was  contrary,  and  we  were  obliged  to  go  to 

/ 

the  Canary  Islands,  from  there  to  the  island  of  Ma¬ 
deira,  and  thence  to  Cadiz. 

Abstract  of  We  were  absent  thirteen  months  on  this  voyage, 

the  Vov-  #  J  ®  ? 

age-  exposing  ourselves  to  awful  dangers,  and  discover¬ 
ing  a  very  large  country  of  Asia,  and  a  great  many 
islands,  the  largest  part  of  them  inhabited.  Accord¬ 
ing  to  the  calculations  I  have  several  times  made 
with  the  compass,  we  have  sailed  about  five  thou¬ 
sand  leagues.  To  conclude — we  passed  the  equi¬ 
noctial  line  six  and  a  half  degrees  to  the  south,  and 
afterwards  turned  to  the  north,  which  we  penetrated 
so  far,  that  the  north  star  was  at  an  elevation  of 
thirty-five  degrees  and  a  half  above  our  horizon. 
To  the  west,  we  sailed  eighty-four  degrees  distant 
from  the  meridian  of  the  city  and  port  of  Cadiz. 
We  discovered  immense  regions,  saw  a  vast  number 
of  people,  all  naked,  and  speaking  various  languages. 
On  the  land  we  saw  numerous  wild  animals,  various 
kinds  of  birds,  and  an  infinite  quantity  of  trees,  all 
aromatic.  We  brought  home  pearls  in  their  grow¬ 
ing  state,  and  gold  in  the  grain  ;  we  brought  two 
stones,  one  of  emerald  colour,  and  the  other  of  ame¬ 
thyst,  which  was  very  hard,  and  at  least  half -a 
span  long,  and  three  fingers  thick.  The  sovereigns 
esteem  them  most  highly,  and  have  preserved  them 
among  their  jewels.  We  brought  also  a  piece  of 
crystal,  which  some  jewellers  say  is  beryl,  and,  ac- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


171 


cording  to  what  the  Indians  told  us3  they  had  a 
great  quantity  of  the  same ;  we  brought  fourteen 
flesh-coloured  pearls,  with  which  the  queen  was 
highly  delighted  ;  we  brought  many  other  stones 
which  appeared  beautiful  to  us,  but  of  all  these  we 
did  not  bring  a  large  quantity,  as  we  were  continu¬ 
ally  busied  in  our  navigation,  and  did  not  tarry  long 
in  any  place. 

When  we  arrived  at  Cadiz,  we  sold  many  slaves, 
finding  two  hundred  remaining  to  us,  the  others, 
completing  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
two,  having  died  at  sea.  After  deducting  the  ex¬ 
pense  of  transportation,  we  gained  only  about  five 
hundred  ducats,  which,  having  to  be  divided  into 
fifty-five  parts,  made  the  share  of  each  very  small. 
However,  we  contented  ourselves  with  life,  and 
rendered  thanks  to  God,  that  during  the  whole  voy¬ 
age,  out  of  fifty-seven  Christian  men,  which  was  our 
number,  only  two  had  died,  they  having  been  killed 
by  the  Indians. 

I  have  had  two  quartan  agues  since  my  return, 
but  I  hope,  by  the  favour  of  God,  to  be  well  soon, 
as  they  do  not  continue  long  now,  and  are  without 
chills.  I  have  passed  over  many  things  worthy  of 
being  remembered,  in  order  not  to  be  more  tedious 
than  I  can  help,  all  which  are  reserved  for  the  pen 
and  in  the  memory. 

They  are  fitting  out  three  ships  for  me  here, 
that  I  may  go  on  a  new  voyage  of  discovery ;  and  I 
think  they  will  be  ready  by  the  middle  of  Septem¬ 
ber.  May  it  please  our  Lord  to  give  me  health  and 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Arrival  at 
Cadiz  and 
sale  of 
slaves. 


172 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


Sends  a 
^Iobe  and  a 
map  to  Lo¬ 
renzo  de’ 
Medici. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

v  I 

a  good  voyage,  as  I  hope  again  to  bring  very  great 
news  and  discover  the  island  of  Trapobana,  which 
is  between  the  Indian  Ocean  and  the  Sea  of  Gan¬ 
ges.  Afterwards  I  intend  to  return  to  my  country, 
and  seek  repose  in  the  days  of  my  old  age. 

I  shall  not  enlarge  any  more  at  present,  though 
many  things  have  been  omitted,  in  part  from  their 
not  being  remembered  at  all,  and  in  part  that  I 
might  not  be  more  prolix  than  I  have  been. 

I  have  resolved,  most  excellent  Lorenzo,  that  as 
I  have  thus  given  you  an  account  by  letter  of  wdiat 
has  occurred  to  me,  to  send  you  twro  plans  and  de- 
scriptions  of  the  world,  made  and  arranged  by  my 
own  hand  and  skill.  There  will  be  a  map  on  a 
plane  surface,  and  the  other  a  view  of  the  world  in 
spherical  form,  which  I  intend  to  send  you  by  sea, 
in  the  care  of  one  Francesco  Lotti,  a  Florentine, 
who  is  here.  I  think  you  will  he  pleased  with 
them,  particularly  with  the  globe,  as  I  made  one 
not  long  since  for  these  sovereigns,  and  they  esteem 
it  highly.  I  could  have  wished  to  have  come  with 
them  personally,  but  my  new  departure,  for  making 
other  discoveries,  will  not  allow7  me  that  pleasure. 
There  are  not  wanting  in  your  city  persons  wiio 
understand  the  figure  of  the  world,  and  wiio  may, 
perhaps,  correct  something  in  it.  Nevertheless, 
whatever  may  be  pointed  out  for  me  to  correct,  let 
them  wait  till  I  come,  as  it  may  be  that  I  shall  de¬ 
fend  myself  and  prove  my  accuracy. 

I  suppose  your  Excellency  has  learned  the  news 
brought  by  the  fleet  which  the  King  of  Portugal 


AMERICUS  VE3PUCIUS, 


173 


sent  two  years  ago  to  make  discoveries  on  the  coast 
of  Guinea.  I  do  not  call  such  a  voyage  as  that  a 
voyage  of  discovery,  but  only  a  visit  to  discovered 
lands ;  because,  as  you  will  see  by  the  map,  their 
navigation  was  continually  within  sight  of  land, 
and  they  sailed  round  the  whole  southern  part  of 
the  continent  of  Africa,  which  is  proceeding  by  a 
way  spoken  of  by  all  cosmographical  authors.  It 
is  true  that  the  navigation  has  been  very  profitable, 
which  is  a  matter  of  great  consideration  here  in  this 
kingdom,  where  inordinate  covetousness  reigns.  I 
understand  that  they  passed  from  the  Red  Sea,  and 
extended  their  voyage  into  the  Persian  Gulf,  to  a 
city  called  Calicut,  which  is  situated  between  the 
Persian  Gulf  and  the  river  Indus.  More  lately  the 
King  of  Portugal  has  received  from  sea  twelve  ships 
very  richly  laden,  and  he  has  sent  them  again  to 
those  parts,  where  they  will  certainly  do  a  profitable 
business  if  they  arrive  safely. 

May  our  Lord  preserve  and  increase  the  exalted 
state  of  your  noble  Excellency  as  I  desire.  Julv 
18th,  1500. 

Your  Excellency’s  humble  servant, 

Americus  Vespucius. 

Respecting  the  above  letter  to  De  Medici,  an  in¬ 
telligent  Italian  critic  remarks,  that  “  it  is  the  most 
ancient  known  writing  of  Americus,  relating  to  his 
voyages  to  the  New  World,  having  been  composed 
within  a  month  after  his  return  from  his  second 
voyage,  and  remaining  buried  in  our  archives  for  a 

4  / 


CHAPTER 

IX. 


174 

CHAPTER 

LX. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

long  time,  it  is  a  precious  monument,  for  without 
it  we  should  have  been  left  in  ignorance  of  the  great 
additions  which  he  made  to  astronomical  science. 
The  most  rigorous  examination  of  this  letter  cannot 
bring  to  light  the  least  circumstance  proving  any 
thing  for  or  against  the  accuracy  of  his  first  voyage. 
The  indifference  with  which  he  commences  the 
matter  is,  however,  a  strong  indication  that  he  had 
previously  written  an  account  of  his  first  voyage 
to  the  same  Lorenzo  de’  Medici,  to  whom  he  ad¬ 
dressed  this  communication.1 

1  Bartolozzi,  Ricerche  Historico-Critiche  circa  alle  Scoperte  D’ Amer¬ 
igo  Vespucci,  p.  62,  63.  * 


CHAPTER  X. 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  PIERO 
SODERINI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

Departure  from  Cadiz,  May,  1499. — Arrival  in  the  New  World. — 
Signs  of  Inhabitants. — Coasting  the  Shores. — San  Luis  de  Maran- 
ham. — Chase  and  Capture  a  Canoe. — Cannibalism. — Pearls  and 
Gold. — Inimical  Natives. — Chewing  the  Cud. — Want  of  Water. — 
Immense  Leaves. — Island  of  Curacoa. — Large  Islanders. — Visit  to 
their  Village. — Returning  to  Castile. — Trade  with  the  Indians. — 
Large  Quantity  of  Pearls.— Visit  Antilla. — ‘Take  in  Provisions. — 
Sail  for  Spain. — Arrival  at  Cadiz,  June  8th,  1500. 

The  Second  Voyage,  and  what  I  saw  in  it  most 
worthy  of  being  remembered,  here  follow.  We 
set  out  from  the  port  of  Cadiz,  three  ships  in  com¬ 
pany,  on  the  18th  of  May,  1499,  and  steered  our 
course  directly  to  the  Cape  Verd  Islands,  passing 
within  sight  of  the  Grand  Canary.  We  soon  ar¬ 
rived*  at  an  island  which  is  called  Del  Fuego  or 
Fire  Island,  and  having  taken  in  wood  and  water, 
we  proceeded  on  our  voyage  to  the  southwest.  In 
forty-four  days  we  arrived  at  a  new  land,  which  we 
judged  to  he  a  continent,  and  a  continuation  of  that 
mentioned  in  my  former  voyage.1  It  was  situated 

1  He  was  twenty  days  in  ma-  mentioned  in  my  former  voyage.” 
king  the  Canaries,  and  twenty-  The  mistake  originated  in  a  mis- 
four  more  in  crossing  the  Atlantic,  print  of  the  Latin  edition,  the  word 
Some  editions  make  the  reading  “contraria”  being  substituted  for 
of  this  passage,  “opposite  to  that  “  continua.” — Can.,  tom. i.  p.  132. 


CHAPTER 

X. 


176 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

X. 


* 


Coast  the 
shore  for 
about  forty 

leagues. 


within  the  torrid  zone,  south  of  the  equinoctial  line, 
where  the  south  pole  is  elevated  five  degrees,  and 
distant  from  said  island,  bearing  south,  about  five 
hundred  leagues.1  Here  we  found  the  days  and 
nights  equal  on  the  27th  of  June,  when  the  sun  is 
near  the  tropic  of  Cancer. 

We  did  not  see  any  people  here,  and  having  an¬ 
chored  our  ships  and  cast  off  our  boats,  we  proceed¬ 
ed  to  the  land,  which  we  found  to  be  inundated  by 
very  large  rivers.  We  came  to  anchor,  and  having 
got  out  the  boats,  attempted  to  enter  these  at  many 
points,  but  from  the  immense  quantity  of  water 
brought  down  by  them,  we  could  find  no  place,  af¬ 
ter  hard  toiling,  that  was  not  overflowed.  We  saw 
many  signs  of  the  country’s  being  inhabited,  but,  as 

we  were  unable  to  enter  it,  we  concluded  to  return 

•  * 

to  the  ships,  and  make  the  attempt  on  some  other 
part  of  the  coast. 

We  raised  our  anchors  accordingly,  and  sailed 
along  southeast  by  east,  continually  coasting  the 
land,  which  ran  in  that  direction.  We  attempted 
to  enter  at  many  points  within  the  space  of  forty 
leagues,  but  all  our  labour  was  labour  lost.  We 
found  the  currents  so  strong  on  this  coast  that  they 
absolutely  obstructed  our  sailing,  and  they  all  ran 
from  the  southeast  to  the  northwest.  Seeing  our 
navigation  was  attended  with  so  many  inconvien- 

1  The  work  of  Bandini  contains  in  many  instances  manifestly  at 
a  series  of  singular  errors  in  regard  variance  with  the  sense. —  Cano - 
to  this  letter.  The  figure  5,  where-  vai,  tom.  i.  p.  132. 
ever  it  occurs,  is  printed  8 — though 


. 


- 


. 


NLAND  SCENE — BREAKFAST 


They  are  very  excellent  marksmen.  In  fine,  we  held  'much  intercourse  with  them, 
and  they  took  us  to  one  of  their  villages  about  two  leagues  inland,  and 

gave  us  our  "breakfast.  (See  Page  162  ) 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


ences,  we  concluded  to  turn  our  course  to  the  north¬ 
west.  Having  sailed  some  time  in  this  direction, 
we  arrived  at  a  very  beautiful  harbour,  which  was 
made  by  a  large  island  at  the  entrance,  inside  of 
which  was  a  very  large  bay.1 

While  Sailing  along  parallel  with  the  island,  with 
a  view  of  entering  the  harbour,  we  saw  many  peo¬ 
ple  on  the  shore,  and,  being  much  cheered,  we  man¬ 
oeuvred  our  ships  for  the  purpose  of  anchoring  and 
landing  where  they  appeared.  We  might  have  been 
then  about  four  leagues  at  sea.  While  proceeding 
on  our  course  for  this  purpose,  we  saw  a  canoe  quite 
out  at  sea,  in  which  there  were  several  people,  and 
made  sail  on  our  ships  in  order  to  come  up  with  and 
take  possession  of  them,  steering  so  as  not  to  run 
them  down ;  we  saw  that  they  stood  with  their  oars 
raised,  I  think  either  through  astonishment  at  be¬ 
holding  our  ships,  or  by  way  of  giving  us  to  under¬ 
stand  that  they  meant  to  wait  for  us  and  resist  us ; 
but  as  they  perceived  us  approaching,  they  dropped 
their  oars  into  the  water,  and  began  to  row  towards 
the  land.  Having  in  our  company  a  small  vessel 
of  forty-five  tons,  a  very  fast  sailer,  she  took  a  fa¬ 
vourable  wind,  and  bore  down  for  the  canoe.  Com¬ 
ing  close  up  with  it,  they  bore  away  and  came  round, 
and  we  followed  in  her  wake.  In  order  that  the 
schooner  might  appear  as  if  she  did  not  wish  to 
board  the  canoe,  she  passed  it,  and  then  hove  up  in 
the  wind.  Seeing  that  by  this  manoeuvre  they  had 
the  advantage,  they  plied  their  oars  with  main 

1  This  was  San  Luis  de  Maranham. — Navarrete ,  tom.  iii.  p.  259. 

23 


1/ 1 

CHAPTER 

X. 


Chase  and 
capture  of 
a  canoe. 


178 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

x\ 


strength,  in  order  to  escape  ;  but  having  our  boats 
at  the  stem  filled  with  good  men,  we  thought  they 
would  take  them,  which  they  laboured  hard  to  do 
for  more  than  two  hours,  without  success.  If  the 
schooner  had  not  borne  down  upon  them  once  more, 
we  should  have  lost  them.  When  they  found  them¬ 
selves  embarrassed  between  the  schooner  and  the 
boats,  they  all  jumped  into  the  sea,  being  about 
twenty  men,1  and  at  the  distance  of  two  leagues 
from  the  shore.  We  followed  them  the  whole  day 
with  our  boats,  and  could  only  take  two,  which  was 
an  extraordinary  feat ;  all  the  rest  escaped  to  the 
shore.  Four  boys  remained  in  the  canoe,  who  were 
not  of  their  tribe,  but  had  been  taken  prisoners  by 
them,  and  brought  from  another  country.  We  were 
much  surprised  at  the  gross  injuries  they  had  inflict¬ 
ed  upon  these  boys,  and  having  been  taken  on  board 
the  ships,  they  told  us  they  had  been  captured  in 
order  to  be  eaten.  Accordingly  we  knew  that  those 
people  were  cannibals,  who  eat  human  flesh. 

We  proceeded  with  the  ships,  taking  the  canoe 
with  us  at  the  stern,  and  following  the  course 
which  they  pursued,  anchored  at  half  a  league 
from  the  shore.  As  we  saw  many  people  on  the 
shore,  we  landed  in  the  boats,  carrying  with  us 
the  two  men  we  had  taken.  When  we  reached 
the  beach,  all  the  people  fled  into  the  woods,  and 

1  Bandini  gives  the  number  of  been  met  with,  made,  like  this,  out 
men  in  this  canoe  as  seventy.  A  of  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  Ferdinand 
canoe  must  have  been  tolerably  Columbus  speaks  of  some  holding 
large  to  have  held  even  twenty  as  many  as  fifty  men. —  Canovai , 
men,  although  larger  ones  have  tom.  i.  p.  136,  note. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


179 


we  sent  one  of  the  two  men  to  negotiate  with  chapter 
them,  giving  them  several  trifles,  as  tokens  of  — ^ — 
friendship,  such  as  little  bells,  buttons,  and  looking- 
glasses,  and  telling  them  that  we  wished  to  be 
their  friends.  He  brought  the  people  all  back 
with  him,  of  whom  there  were  about  four  hundred 
men,  and  many  women,  who  came  unarmed  to  the 
place  where  we  laid  with  the  boats.  Having 
established  friendship  with  them,  we  surrendered 
the  other  prisoner,  and  sent  to  the  ships  for 
the  canoe,  which  we  restored.  This  canoe  was 
twenty-six  yards  long,  and  six  feet  wide,  made  out 
of  a  single  tree,  and  very  well  wrought.  When 
they  had  carried  it  into  a  river  near  by,  and  put  it 
in  a  secure  place,  they  all  fled,  and  would  have 
nothing  more  to  do  with  us,  which  appeared  to  us 
a  very  barbarous  act,  and  we  judged  them  to  be 
a  faithless  and  evil-disposed  people.  We  saw 
among  them  a  little  gold,  which  they  wore  in 
their  ears. 

Leaving  this  place,  we  sailed  about  eighty  Meet  fiiend- 

.  ™  J  ly  natives 

leagues  along  the  coast,  and  entered  a  bay,  where  and  Pro; 

J  1  cure  pearls. 

we  found  a  surprising  number  of  people,  with 
whom  we  formed  a  friendship.  Many  of  us  went 
to  their  villages,  in  great  safety,  and  were  received 
with  much  courtesy  and  confidence.  In  this  place 
we  procured  a  hundred  and  fifty  pearls  (as  they 
sold  them  to  us  for  a  trifle),  and  some  little  gold, 
which  they  gave  us  gratuitously.1  We  noticed 

1  The  edition  of  Gruniger  says,  “  five  hundred  pearls.” — Navarrete , 
tom.  iii.  p.  250. 


/ 


180 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  that  in  this  country  they  drank  wine  made  of 

- : —  their  fruits  and  seeds,  which  looked  like  beer,  both 

white  and  red ;  the  best  was  made  of  acorns,  and 
was  very  good.  We  ate  a  great  many  of  these 
acorns,  as  it  was  the  season  of  them.  They  are  a 
very  good  fruit,  savoury  to  the  taste,  and  healthful 
to  the  body.  The  country  abounded  with  the 
means  of  nourishment,  and  the  people  were  well- 
disposed,  being  the  most  pacific  of  any  we  had 
seen. 

Remain  We  remained  in  this  port  seventeen  days  with 
days  in  port,  great  pleasure,  and  every  day  some  new  tribe  of 
people  came  to  see  us  from  inland  parts  of  the 
country,  who  were  greatly  surprised  at  our  figures, 
at  the  whiteness  of  our  skins,  at  our  clothes,  our 
arms,  and  the  form  and  size  of  our  ships.  We 
were  informed  by  these  people  of  the  existence  of 
another  tribe  still  farther  west,  who  were  their 
enemies,  and  that  they  had  a  great  quantity  of 
pearls.  They  said  that  those  which  we  dis-' 
covered  in  their  possession  were  some  they  had 


taken  from  this  other  tribe  in  war.  They  told  us 
how  they  fished  for  pearls,  and  in  what  manner 
they  grew;  and  we  found  that  they  told  us  the 
truth,  as  your  Excellency  shall  hear. 

We  left  this  harbour,  and  sailed  along  the  coast, 
on  which  we  continually  saw  smoke,  and  many 
people  on  the  shore,  as  we  passed.  After  many 
days  we  entered  a  harbour,  for  the  purpose  of  re¬ 
pairing  one  of  our  ships,  as  she  leaked  badly. 
Here  we  found  many  people,  with  whom,  neither 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


181 


by  force  nor  entreaty,  could  we  have  any  inter¬ 
course.  When  we  went  ashore,  they  fiercely  dis¬ 
puted  our  landing,  and  after  they  found  it  impos¬ 
sible  to  resist  us  any  longer,  fled  to  the  woods. 
Having  discovered  them  to  he  so  barbarous,  we 
sailed  aw7ay  from  the  place,  and  finding  an  island 
about  fifteen  leagues  distant  from  the  coast,  re¬ 
solved  to  see  whether  it  was  inhabited.  We 
found  on  this  island  the  most  bestial  and  filthy 
people  that  were  ever  seen,  but,  at  the  same  time, 
extremely  pacific,  so  that  I  am  able  to  describe 
their  habits  and  customs.  Their  manners  and 
their  faces  w7ere  filthy,  and  they  all  had  their 
cheeks  stuffed  full  of  a  green  herb,  which  they 
were  continually  chewing,  as  beasts  chew  the 
cud,  so  that  they  were  scarcely  able  to  speak. 
Each  one  of  them  wore,  hanging  at  the  neck,  tw7o 
dried  gourd-shells,  one  of  which  was  filled  with  the 
‘same  kind  of  herb  they  had  in  their  mouths,  and 
the  other  with  a  white  meal,  which  appeared  to  be 
chalk-dust.  They  also  carried  with  them  a  small 
stick,  which  they  w7etted  in  their  mouths  from 
time  to  time,  and  then  put  into  the  meal,  after¬ 
wards  putting  it  into  the  herb,  with  which  both 
cheeks  were  filled,  and  mixing  the  meal  with  it.1 


1  This  herb  was  either  the  Betel,  quenching  their  thirst,  as  Ameri- 
or  something  similar  to  it.  It  is  cus  supposed,  and  made  use  of  it 
very  much  esteemed  in  the  East  also  as  a  medicine. — See  Ramusio , 
Indies.  The  white  mealy  sub-  tom. i.  p.298.  Cook' sVoy  ages, \ ol. 
stance  which  he  speaks  of,  was  i.  p.  112-434-436.  Ferdinand 
calcined  oyster  shells.  The  na-  Columbus  also  speaks  of  it,  and 
tives  used  it  for  the  purpose  of  says,  “  The  chiefs  continued  to  put 


CHAPTER 

X. 


182 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

X. 


Substitute 
for  water 
used  by  the 
natives. 


We  were  surprised  at  their  conduct,  and  could  not 
-  understand  for  what  purpose  they  indulged  in  the 
filthy  practice. 

As  soon  as  these  people  saw  us,  they  came  to  us 
with  as  much  familiarity  as  if  we  had  been  old 
friends.  As  we  were  walking  with  them  along  the 
shore,  and  wished  to  find  some*  fresh  water  to  drink, 
they  made  us  understand  by  signs  that  they  had 
none,  and  offered  us  some  of  their  herbs  and  meal ; 
hence  we  concluded  that  water  was  very  scarce  in 
this  island,  and  that  they  kept  these  herbs  in  their 
mouths  in  order  to  allay  their  thirst.  We  walked 
about  the  island  a  day  and  a  half  without  finding 
any  living  water,  and  noticed  that  all  the  water 
which  they  drank,  was  the  dew  which  fell  in  the 
night  upon  certain  leaves  which  looked  like  assesT 
ears.  These  leaves  being  fdled  with  dew  water, 
the  islanders  used  it  for  their  drink,  and  most  ex¬ 
cellent  water  it  was,  but  there  were  many  placed 
where  the  leaves  were  not  to  be  found. 

They  had  no  kind  of  victuals  or  roots  such  as  we 
found  on  the  mainland,  but  lived  on  fish  which  they 
caught  in  the  sea,  of  which  there  was  an  abun¬ 
dance,  and  they  were  great  fishermen.  They  pre¬ 
sented  us  with  many  turtles,  and  many  large  and 
very  good  fish.  The  women  did  not  chew  the  herb 
as  the  men  did,  but  carried  a  gourd  with  water  in 

a  dry  herb  in  their  mouths,  and  of  Cumana,  that  the  Indians  chew- 
also  a  certain  powder. — Canovai,  ed  an  herb  continually  to  keep 
tom.  i.  p.  141.  their  teeth  white. — Navarrete,  tom. 

Alonzo  Nino  and  Christobal  iii.  p.  15. 

Guerra  observed  upon  the  coast 


AMERICUS  VESPUCJUS. 


183 


it,  of  which  they  drank.  They  had  no  villages,  chapter 

houses,  or  cottages,  except  some  arbours  which  de - 

fended  them  from  the  sun,  but  not  from  the  rain ; 
this  appearing  needless,  for  I  think  it  very  seldom 
rained  on  this  island.  When  they  were  fishing  out 
at  sea,  they  each  wore  on  the  head  a  very  large 
leaf,  so  broad  that  they  were  covered  by  its  shade.1 
They  fixed  these  leaves  also  in  the  ground  on  shore, 
and  as  the  sun  moved,  turned  them  about,  so  as  to 
keep  within  the  shadow,  and  defend  themselves 
from  the  sun’s  rays.  The  island  contained  many 
animals  of  various  kinds,  all  of  which  drank  the 
muddy  water  of  the  marshes. 

Seeing  there  was  no  utility  in  staying  here,  we  a  race  of 

°  .  gigantic 

left  and  went  to  another  island,  which  we  found  size, 
inhabited  by  people  of  very  large  stature.  Going 
into  the  country  in  search  of  fresh  water,  without 
thinking  the  island  inhabited  (as  we  saw  no  people), 
as  we  were  passing  along  the  shore,  we  remarked 
very  large  footprints  in  the  sand.  We  concluded 
that  if  the  other  members  corresponded  with  the 
feet,  they  must  belong  to  very  large  men.  While 
occupied  with  these  conjectures,  we  struck  a  path 
which  led  us  inland,  and  imagining  that  as  the  isl¬ 
and  was  small,  there  could  not  be  many  people  on 


1  Ramusio  speaks  of  a  tree  or 
plant  growing  in  the  East  Indies, 
which  produces  four  or  five  leaves, 
each  of  which  will  shelter  a  man 
from  the  sun  and  rain. — Ram ..  tom. 
i.  p.  161,  D. 

Conti  also  speaks  of  a  tree,  the 
leaves  of  which  are  six  yards  long, 


and  nearly  the  same  width.  “  When 
it  rains  they  are  carried  over  the 
head  to  prevent  the  people  from 
being  wet,  and  three  or  four  per¬ 
sons  stretching  it  out  may  be  cov¬ 
ered.” — Ibid.  p.  339,  C.  Canovai , 
tom.  i.  p.  144. 


184 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

X. 


it,  we  passed  on  to  find  out  of  what  description 
they  might  be.  After  we  had  gone  about  a  league, 
we  saw  in  a  valley  five  of  their  cottages,  which 
appeared  to  be  uninhabited,  and,  on  going  to  them, 
we  found  only  five  women,  two  quite  old,  and  three 
girls,  all  so  tall  in  stature,  that  we  regarded  them 
with  astonishment.  When  they  saw  us,  they  be¬ 
came  so  frightened  that  they  had  not  even  courage 
to  fiee,  and  the  two  old  women  began  to  invite  us 
into  their  houses,  and  to  bring  us  many  things  to 
eat,  with  many  caresses.  They  were  taller  than 
a  tall  man,  and  as  large-bodied  as  Francisco  of  Al- 
bizzi,  but  better  proportioned  than  we  are. 

While  we  were  all  consulting  as  to  the  expedi¬ 
ency  of  taking  the  three  girls  by  force,  and  bringing 
them  to  Castile,  to  exhibit  the  wonder,  there  en¬ 
tered  the  door  of  the  cottage  thirty-six  men  much 
larger  than  the  women,  and  so  well  made  that  it 
was  a  pleasure  to  look  at  them.  They  put  us  in 
such  perturbation,  however,  that  we  would  much 
rather  have  been  in  our  ships,  than  have  found  our¬ 
selves  with  such  people.  They  carried  immense 
bows  and  arrows,  and  large-headed  clubs,  and  talk¬ 
ed  among  themselves  in  a  tone  which  led  us  to 
think  they  were  deliberating  about  attacking  us. 

Seeing  we  were  in  such  danger,  we  formed  vari¬ 
ous  opinions  on  the  subject.  Some  were  for  falling 
upon  them  in  the  house,  others  thought  it  would  be 
better  to  attack  them  in  the  field,  and  others  that 
we  should  not  commence  the  strife  until  we  saw 
what  they  wished  to  do.  We  agreed  at  length  to 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


185 


go  out  of  the  cottage,  and  take  our  way  quietly  to-  chapter 

wards  the  ships.  As  soon  as  we  did  this,  they  fol - 1 — 

lowed  at  a  stone’s  throw  behind  us,  talking  earnest¬ 
ly  among  themselves,  and  I  think  no  less  afraid  of 
us  than  we  were  of  them ;  for  whenever  we  stop¬ 
ped,  they  did  the  same,  never  coming  nearer  to  us. 

In  this  way  we  at  length  arrived  at  the  shore, 
where  the  boats  were  waiting  for  us — we  entered 
them,  and  as  we  were  going  off  in  the  distance, 
they  leaped  forward  and  shot  many  arrows  after  us, 
but  we  had  little  fear  of  them  now.  We  discharged 
two  guns  at  them,  more  to  frighten  than  to  injure, 
and  on  hearing  the  report,  they  all  fled  to  the  moun¬ 
tain.  Thus  we  parted  from  them,  and  it  appeared 
to  us  that  we  had  escaped  from  a  perilous  day’s 
work.  These  people  were  quite  naked,  like  the 
others  we  had  seen,  and  on  account  of  their  large 
stature,  I  call  this  island  the  Island  of  Giants.1  We 
proceeded  onward  in  a  direction  parallel  with  the 
land,  on  which  it  often  happened  that  we  were 
obliged  to  fight  with  the  people,  who  were  not  will¬ 
ing  to  let  us  take  any  thing  away. 

Our  minds  were  fully  prepared  by  this  time  lor  Thoughts  of 

J  1  1  J  returning  to 

returning  to  Castile.  We  had  been  at  sea  about  a  sPain- 
year,  and  had  but  little  provision  left,  and  that  little 
damaged,  in  consequence  of  the  great  heat  through 
which  we  had  passed.  From  the  time  we  left  the 
Island  of  Cape  Y erd  until  then,  we  had  been  sail¬ 
ing  continually  in  the  torrid  zone,  having  twice 

1  This  was  probably  the  island  of  Curacoa. — Navarre te,  tom.  iii. 
p.  259. 


24 


186 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  crossed  the  equinoctial  line,  as  before  stated  ;  hav- 

- 1 - ing  been  five  degrees  beyond  it  to  the  south,  and 

then  being  fifteen  degrees  north  of  it. 

Being  thus  disposed  for  our  return,  it  pleased  the 
Holy  Spirit  to  give  us  some  repose  from  our  great 
labours.  Going  in  search  of  a  harbour,  in  order  to 
repair  our  ships,  we  fell  in  with  a  people  who  re¬ 
ceived  us  with  much  friendship,  and  we  found  that 
they  had  a  great  quantity  of  oriental  pearls,  which 
were  very  good.  We  remained  with  them  forty- 
seven  days,  and  procured  from  them  a  hundred  and 
nineteen  marks  of  pearls  in  exchange  for  a  mere 
trifle  of  our  merchandise,  which  I  think  did  not 
cost  us  the  value  of  forty  ducats.  We  gave  them 
nothing  whatever  but  bells,  looking-glasses,  beads, 
and  brass  plates  ;  for  a  bell,  one  would  give  all  the 
pearls  he  had.  We  learned  from  them  how  and 
where  they  fished  for  these  pearls,  and  they  gave  us 
many  oysters  in  which  they  grew.  We  procured 
one  oyster  in  which  a  hundred  and  thirty  pearls 
were  growing,  but  in  others  there  were  a  less  num¬ 
ber.  The  one  with  the  hundred  and  thirty  the 
queen  took  from  me,  but  the  others  I  kept  to  my¬ 
self,  that  she  might  not  see  them. 

Your  Excellency  must  know,  that  if  the  pearls 
are  not  ripe  and  not  loose  in  the  shell,  they  do  not 
last,  because  they  are  soon  spoiled.  Of  this  I  have 
seen  many  examples.  When  they  are  ripe,  they 
are  loose  in  the  oyster,  and  mingle  with  the  flesh, 
and  then  they  are  good.  Even  the  bad  ones  which 
they  had,  which  for  the  most  part  were  rough,  and 


AMERICU8  VESPUCIUS, 


disfigured  with  holes,  were  nevertheless  worth  a 
considerable  sum. 

At  the  end  of  forty-seven  days,  we  left  these 
people  in  great  friendship  with  us,  and  from  the 
want  of  provisions  went  to  the  Island  of  An  till  a. 
which  was  discovered  some  years  before  by  Chris¬ 
topher  Columbus.  Here  we  obtained  many  sup¬ 
plies,  and  staid  two  months  and  seventeen  days. 
We  passed  through  many  dangers  and  troubles 
with  the  Christians  who  were  settled  in  this  island 
with  Columbus  (I  think  through  their  envy),  the 
relation  of  which,  in  order  not  to  be  tedious,  I  omit. 
We  left  there  on  the  twenty-second  of  April,  and 
after  sailing  a  month  and  a  half,  entered  the  port 
of  Cadiz,  where  we  were  received  with  much  hon¬ 
our,  on  the  eighth  day  of  June.1  Thus  terminated, 
by  the  favour  of  God,  my  second  voyage. 


1  The  months  of  April  and  June 
are  adopted  by  Canovai,  and  very 
properly,  instead  of  the  months  of 
September  and  April,  which  are 
used  in  some  other  editions.  This 
reading  makes  the  letter  corres¬ 
pond  with  that  to  De’  Medici,  de¬ 
scribing  the  same  voyage,  and  be¬ 


sides,  gives  the  correct  date  of  the 
termination  of  the  voyage.  Amer¬ 
icas  says  that  it  lasted  thirteen 
months ;  if  it  ended  in  September, 
it  would  have  been  seventeen. — 
See  First  Letter  of  Americus  to 
De’  Medici.  Canovai,  tom.  i.  p. 
151. 


187 

CHAPTER 

X. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


CHAPTER 

XI. 


Unjustifiable  Perversion  of  the  Words  of  Americus. — Attack  of  Sick¬ 
ness. — New  Spanish.  Fleet  for  him. — His  Position  in  Spain. — Mo¬ 
tives  of  the  King  of  Portugal  in  attempting  to  gain  the  Services  of 
Americus. — First  Attempt  by  Letter. — Second  Attempt  by  a  Mes¬ 
senger. — Juliano  Giocondo. — He  leaves  Spain  secretly. — Goes  to 
Lisbon. — Reception  at  the  Court  of  Emmanuel. — Importance  of  his 
Voyage  to  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal.  —  Extract  from  Thomson’s 
Seasons. — A  Word  respecting  the  Date  of  the  Voyage. — Inaccuracy 
of  Herrera. 


It  was  during  the  month  of  July,  in  the  year  1500, 
that  Americus  wrote  his  letter  to  Lorenzo  de7  Medi¬ 
ci,  giving  a  description  of  the  voyage  which  had  just 
been  brought  to  a  conclusion.  He  apologizes,  as 
has  been  seen,  for  his  long  silence,  and  gives  as  an 
excuse  for  it,  the  reason,  that  nothing  had  occurred 
to  him  worthy  of  being  commemorated,  excepting 
that  which  he  proceeded  to  narrate.  A  most  un¬ 
justifiable  use  has  been  made  of  this  expression  of 
the  navigator,  by  those  who  are  desirous  of  discred¬ 
iting  his  account  of  his  first  voyage.  They  argue 
that  it  is  equivalent  to  saying  that  he  had  not  made 
a  previous  voyage,  for  it  would  have  been  a  remark¬ 
able  forgetfulness  to  have  said  that  nothing  of  im¬ 
portance  had  occurred,  if  he  had  made  a  previous 
voyage,  of  eighteen  months  duration,  in  1497-8. 
How  much  more  ingenuous  would  it  be  to  suppose 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


189 


that  he  had  previously  written  De’  Medician  account  chapter 
of  that  first  voyage,  in  letters  which  have  been  lost  — — 
in  the  lapse  of  time,  and  that  the  interval  between 
those  communications  and  the  one  under  considera¬ 
tion,  a  period  of  more  than  fourteen  months  at  the 
least,  compelled  him  to  speak  of  his  long  silence  and 
make  excuses  for  it.  The  weakness  of  the  argu¬ 
ment  made  use  of  to  discredit  him,  is  of  itself  an  ev¬ 
idence  of  the  want  of  cogent  proof  in  support  of 
their  position.1 

Notwithstanding  the  severe  attack  of  sickness  Preparation 

.  .  .  for  a  third 

which  Americus  experienced  immediately  after  his  voyage  from 

*  Spain. 

return,  (the  quartan  ague,  contracted  probably  by 
exposure  to  the  unhealthy  climate  of  the  West  In¬ 
dies,)  he  devoted  himself  at  once  to  preparation  for 
a  third  voyage.  It  would  seem  that  the  merchants 
of  Seville  were  not  easily  disheartened  by  the  un¬ 
profitable  result,  in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  of  the 
voyage  of  Ojeda  and  Americus  ;  or  that  the  gov¬ 
ernment  itself  had  taken  his  fortunes  under  its  spe¬ 
cial  charge.  While,  however,  a  new  fleet  was  be¬ 
ing  made  ready,  which  he  expected  would  be  in 
complete  order  for  sea  as  early  as  the  month  of 
September,  some  circumstances  occurred  which  led 
him  to  abandon  the  service  of  Spain  and  try  his 
fortune  under  the  auspices  of  a  new  monarch. 

What  these  circumstances  were  can  now  only  be 
conjectured.  Americus  himself  subsequently  speaks 
of  the  course  which  he  had  adopted  in  terms  which 
show  that  he  did  not  leave  Spain  without  doubting 

1  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  885. 


190 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XI 


Reasons 
which  led 
King  Em¬ 
manuel  to 
make  offers 
to  Ameri- 
cus. 


in  his  own  mind  the  propriety  of  the  proceeding. 
He  stood  deservedly  high  in  the  estimation  of  the 
Court,  and  the  amenity  and  modesty  of  his  manners 
had  attached  to  him  a  great  number  of  warm  friends 
and  admirers.  It  is  probable  that  he  accepted  the 
offers,  which  were  made  to  him  by  the  King  of 
Portugal,  in  a  momentary  feeling  of  pique  at  some 
fancied  neglect,  or  in  disgust  at  the  measures 
brought  about  by  persons  envious  of  his  well-earned 
fame.1 

The  motives  of  the  King  of  Portugal  in  en¬ 
deavouring  to  secure  the  services  of  Americus  are 
very  apparent.  The  accidental  discovery  made 
by  Cabral,  about  a  year  before  this  time,  who, 
while  attempting  to  double  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  on  his  way  to  the  East  Indies,  had  been 
driven  across  the  South  Atlantic  to  the  shores  of 
Brazil  by  adverse  winds,  had  given  rise  to  dis¬ 
putes  and  dissensions  between  the  governments  of 
Spain  and  Portugal.  These  disputes  had  just 
been  settled  by  a  compromise.  The  line  of  de¬ 
marcation  between  their  respective  dominions  was 
changed,  and  removed  three  hundred  and  seventy 
leagues  west  of  its  former  position.  Cabral  saw 
but  very  little  of  the  country  which  he  had  fallen 
in  with  so  unexpectedly.  He  took  formal  posses¬ 
sion  of  it,  however,  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign, 
and  despatched  one  of  the  ships  of  his  fleet  to 
give  information  of  his  discovery,  while  in  the 
meantime  he  pursued  his  original  voyage.2 

1  See  chap.  xiii.  2  Canovai,  tom.  ii.  p.  79. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


191 


The  accounts  of  Americus  respecting  this  newly-  chapter 
acquired  region  could  not  have  failed  to  reach  the  — — — 
cars  of  King  Emmanuel.  He  found  himself,  by 
the  recent  agreement,  put  into  possession  of  a 
country  far  more  extensive  than  the  meagre  re¬ 
ports  of  Cabral  could  have  warranted  him  to  hope 
for.  Unable  to  avail  himself  of  the  services  of  that 
navigator,  and  duly  estimating  the  distinguished 
reputation  and  skill  of  Americus,  he  spared  no 
pains  to  detach  him  from  the  service  of  Spain, 
and  entice  him  to  Portugal.  It  was  then  that  the 
Portuguese  government  bitterly  repented  its  re¬ 
pulse  of  Columbus,  and  regretting  deeply  its  ill- 
timed  economy,  King  Emmanuel  resolved  to  tempt 
Americus  with  the  prospect  of  splendid  rewards. 

The  first  attempt  which  was  made  to  induce  Letters  from 

the  King  of 

him  to  accompany  an  expedition  from  Lisbon,  was  Portugal 

A  J  _  1  and  a  mes¬ 

hy  letter  from  the  king  himself,  and  was  unsuc-  sengersent 

J  ~  7  to  Amen- 

cessful.  Americus,  unprepared  for  the  proposition,  cus* 
delayed  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  and  gave  him  at 
last  an  answer  in  the  negative.  It  was  not,  how¬ 
ever,  couched  in  such  decided  terms  as  to  discour¬ 
age  the  king,  or  preclude  the  possibility  of  gaining 
him  over  at  last.  He  pleaded  ill-health,  and  said, 
indefinitely,  that  when  he  recovered  he  might  be 
induced  to  go. 

The  second  attempt  was  more  favourably  re¬ 
ceived.  Juliano  Giocondo,  an  Italian,  then  resi¬ 
dent  at  Lisbon,  was  despatched  soon  after,  to  en¬ 
treat  Americus  with  greater  urgency.  *  He  came 
at  once  to  Seville,  where  Americus  was  residing, 


192 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XI. 


and,  by  dint  of  earnest  persuasion,  induced  him 
at  last  to  enter  the  service  of  Emmanuel.  Ameri¬ 
cas  yielded,  against  the  advice  of  his  friends,  who, 
according  to  his  own  account,  all  looked  with  ill- 
favour  upon  the  project.  Fearing  that  some 
attempt  might  be  made  to  detain  him,  he  left  the 
kingdom  privately,  in  company  with  Giocondo, 
and  proceeded  at  once  to  Lisbon. 

u  It  does  not  appear,”  says  Canovai,  “  that  King 
Ferdinand  considered  himself  wronged,  by  the  sud¬ 
den  flight,  and,  to  say  the  least,  apparent  discourtesy 
of  Americus,  in  leaving  the  kingdom  and  the  king,  his 
patron,  without  salutation  or  leave-taking.  It  was 
probably  looked  upon  as  a  trait  of  his  reserved  char¬ 
acter,  or  an  evidence  of  his  aversion  to  idle  and 
slanderous  rumours,  which  he  was  unwilling  to 
take  the  pains  to  contradict.  Rumours  and  whis¬ 
perings  soon  die  away,  when  they  have  nothing  to 
feed  upon,  and  when  Americus  returned,  as  though 
from  a  journey,  the  slight  was  forgotten,  and  he 
was  treated  with  greater  honour  than  before.”1 

Americus  was  received  with  open  arms  at  the 
court  of  Emmanuel,  and  commenced  with  ardour 
the  preparation  of  the  fleet.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  who  had  the  command  of  this  expedition,  but 
it  is  apparent  that  its  nautical  management  was 
under  the  control  of  Americus,  from  the  letters  to 
De’  Medici  and  Soderini  which  follow.  The  navi¬ 
gator  wrote  three  accounts  of  this  his  first  voyage 
in  the  Portuguese  service,  two  of  them  directed  to 

1  Canovai,  tom.  ii.  p.  80. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


193 


De’  Medici,  of  which  the  most  elaborate  is  given, 
and  the  other  to  Soderini.  He  evidently  looked 
upon  it  as  the  most  important  in  its  discoveries  that 
he  had  ever  made,  and  he  regarded  it  correctly. 
Unfortunately,  it  was  equally  signalized  by  the 
tempestuous  weather  he  experienced  in  the  course 
of  it.  Had  it  not  been  for  this,  there  is  little  doubt 
that  he  would  have  realized  all  his  hopes  of  a 
southwestern  passage  to  India,  but  the  violent 
storms  he  encountered  compelled  him  to  desist  and 
return  to  Portugal. 

Notwithstanding,  the  results  of  the  voyage  were 
of  vast  importance  to  Portugal.  An  immensely 
wealthy  country  was  added  to  her  dominions,  whose 
mines  of  gold  and  diamonds  furnished  her  most  op¬ 
portunely  with  resources  for  prosecuting  her  con¬ 
quests  and  discoveries  in  the  East.  Then,  to  make 
use  of  the  graphic  words  in  which  the  poet  Thom¬ 
son  describes  the  effect  of  the  voyages  of  De  Gama, 
originally  suggested  by  Prince  Henry,  and  which 
maybe  applied  with  equal  justice  to  this  voyage  of 
Americus  : 

Then  from  ancient  gloom  emerged 
The  rising  world  of  trade  :  the  genius,  then, 

Of  Navigation,  that  in  hopeless  sloth 
Had  slumbered  on  the  vast  Atlantic  deep 
For  idle  ages,  starting,  heard  at  last 
The  Lusitanian  prince,  who,  Heaven-inspired, 

To  love  of  useful  glory  roused  mankind, 

And  an  unbounded  commerce  mixed  the  world.1 

One  word  respecting  the  authenticity  of  the  voy- 


CH AFTER 
XI. 


Great  im¬ 
portance  of 
his  voyage 
to  Portugal. 


1  Thomson’s  Seasons — Summer. 

25 


194 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUGIUS. 


CHAPTER 

XL 


4 

age  which  is  described  in  the  two  following  chap¬ 
ters.  The  Spanish  historian  Herrera,  as  has  been 
seen,  with  the  view  of  sustaining  the  position  that 
the  first  voyage  of  Americus  was  altogether  suppo¬ 
sititious,  pretends  that  he  was  sailing  in  1501,  in  the 
company  of  Ojeda,  in  the  Gulf  of  Darien.1  Most 
unfortunately  for  the  accurary  of  this  historian, 
there  exists  undoubted  evidence  to  the  contrary. 
Peter  Martyr,  whose  veracity  is  unquestionable, 
states  that  Americus  sailed  many  degrees  south  of 
the  line,  in  the  Portuguese  service.2  Numerous 
other  writers  assert  the  same,  though  they  differ 
respecting  the  exact  date  of  the  voyage.  Gomara, 
however,  fixes  the  date  unequivocally,  and  expressly 
declares  that  Americus  was  despatched  by  King 
Emmanuel  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  in  the  year 
1501. 3  No  reasonable  doubt  can  then  be  enter¬ 
tained  that  the  voyage  actually  took  place,  and  the 
reader  may  safely  peruse  the  accounts  of  the  navi¬ 
gator  in  spite  of  the  unmanly  attempts  of  partisan 
critics  to  injure  his  credibility. 

1  Herrera,  Historia,  &c.,  Decad.  3  Gomara,  Hist,  of  the  Indies, 

i.  1.  4,  c.  11.  chap.  ciii.  in  Barcia’s  Historia- 

2  Martyr,  Ocean.  D.  ii.  1. 1,  p.  199.  dores. 


\ 


CHAPTER  XII. 


SECOND  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRAN- 
CESCO  DE’  MEDICI,  GIVING  A  BRIEF  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS 
THIRD  VOYAGE,  MADE  FOR  THE  KING  OF  PORTUGAL.* 


Departure  from  Cape  Verd. — Arrival  at  the  Continent.— Heavenly 
Bodies. — Beauty  of  the  Country. — Numerous  Animate. — The  Na¬ 
tives  destitute  of  Laws  and  Religion.— Their  Food  and  Ornaments. 
—Longevity.— Mode  of  Reckoning  Time.— Their  Wars  and  Canni¬ 
balism. — Climate. — Products  of  the  Country. 

My  Most  Excellent  Patron,  Lorenzo  I  CHAPTER 

XII. 

(After  due  commendation),  My  last  letter  to  your - ~~ 

Excellency  was  written  from  a  place  on  the  coast 
of  Guinea,  called  Gape  Verd,  and  in  it  you  wbre 
informed  of  the  commencement  of  my  voyage. 

Phis  present  letter  will  advise  you  of  its  continua¬ 
tion  and  termination. 

We  started  from  the  above-mentioned  Cape,  hav-  Departure 
ing  first  taken  in  all  necessary  supplies  of  wood  and  Verd  and  ar- 
water,  to  discover  new  lands  in  the  ocean.  We  cominem.6 
sailed  on  a  southwesterly  course,  until,  at  the  end 
of  sixty-four  days,  we  discovered  land,  which,  on 
many  accounts,  we  concluded  to  be  Terra  Firma. 

We  coasted  this  land  about  eight  hundred  leagues 

1  This  letter  was  published  for  entitled  “  Ricerche  Istorico  Crit- 
the  first  time  in  the  year  1789,  by  iche  circa  alle  Scoperle  d’ Amerigo 
Bartolozzi,  at  the  close  of  his  work  Vespucci. ” 


196 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XII. 


Heavenly 
l»odies  of  the 
Southern 
Hemis¬ 
phere. 


Numerous 
wild  ani¬ 
mals,  but 
none  that 
are  domes¬ 
tic. 


in  a  direction  west  by  south.  It  was  full  of  inhab¬ 
itants,  and  I  noticed  many  remarkable  things,  which 
I  determined  to  narrate  to  your  Excellency. 

We  sailed  in  these  seas  until  we  entered  the 
Torrid  Zone  and  passed  to  the  south  of  the  equi¬ 
noctial  line  and  the  Tropic  of  Capricorn,  so  that 
we  were  fifty  degrees  to  the  south  of  the  line.  We 
navigated  here  four  mouths  and  twenty-seven  days, 
seeing  neither  the  Arctic  Pole,  nor  Ursa  Major  or 
Minor.  We  discovered  here  many  beautiful  con¬ 
stellations,  invisible  in  the  Northern  Hemisphere, 
and  noted  their  marvellous  movements  and  gran¬ 
deur.  We  marked  the  course  of  their  revolutions, 
and  with  geometrical  calculations  determined  the  po¬ 
sition  of  these  heavenly  bodies.  The  most  notable 
of  the  things  which  occurred  in  this  voyage  I  have 
collated  for  a  small  work,  which,  when  I  am  at  lei¬ 
sure,  I  shall  find  occupation  in  completing,  and  which 
will  acquire  for  me  some  fame  after  my  death.  I 
had  in  readiness  a  sketch  of  this  to  send  to  you,  but 
the  King’s  Highness  retains  it,  and  when  he  returns 
it,  I  will  forward  it  as  I  proposed.  In  effect,  my 
navigation  extended  to  a  fourth  part  of  the  world, 
and  a  line  to  my  zenith  there,  made  a  right  angle, 
at  the  centre  of  the  earth,  with  that  of  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  Northern  Hemisphere,  forty  degrees 
above  the  equator. 

To  proceed  now  to  a  description  of  the  country, 
of  the  plants  therein,  and  of  the  customs  of  the  in¬ 
habitants,  I  would  observe,  that  this  region  is  most 
delightful,  and  covered  with  immense  forests,  which 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


19? 


never  lose  their  foliage,  and  throughout  the  year  chapter 
yield  the  sweetest  aromatic  odours,  and  produce  an  — — — 
infinite  variety  of  fruit,  grateful  to  the  taste,  and 
healthful  for  the  body.  In  the  fields  flourish  so 
many  sweet  flowers  and  herbs,  and  the  fruits  are 
so  delicious  in  their  fragrance,  that  I  fancied  myself 
near  the  terrestrial  paradise.  What  shall  I  tell 
you  of  the  birds,  and  of  the  brilliant  colours  of 
their  plumage  ]  What  of  their  variety,  their  sweet 
songs,  and  their  beauty  ?  I  dare  not  enlarge  upon 
this  theme,  for  I  fear  that  I  should  not  be  believed. 

How  shall  I  enumerate  the  infinite  variety  of  syl¬ 
van  animals,  lions,  panthers,  and  catamounts,  though 
not  not  like  those  of  our  regions,  wolves,  stags,  and 
baboons  of  all  kinds  1  We  saw  more  wild  animals, 


such  as  Avild  hogs,  kids,  deer,  hares,  and  rabbits, 
than  could  ever  have  entered  the  ark  of  Noah,  but 
we  saw  no  domestic  animals  Avhatever. 

Now  consider  reasoning  animals.  We  found 
the  whole  region  inhabited  by  a  race  of  people 
who  Avere  entirely  naked,  both  men  and  women. 

They  are  Avell-proportioned  in  body,  with  black 
hair,  and  little  or  no  beard.  I  laboured  much  to 
investigate  their  customs — remaining  twenty-seven 
days  for  that  purpose — and  the  folloAving  is  the  in¬ 
formation  I  acquired. 

They  have  no  laws,  and  no  religious  belief,  but  Customs  of 
live  according  to  the  dictates  of  nature  alone.  thenatueB* 
They  know  nothing  oT  the  immortality  of  the 
soul ;  they  have  no  private  property,  but  everv 
thing  in  common;  they  have  no  boundaries  of 


198 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XII. 


kingdom  or  province ;  they  obey  no  king  or  lord, 
for  it  is  wholly  unnecessary,  as  they  have  no  laws, 
and  each  one  is  his  own  master.  They  dwell 
together  in  houses  made  like  bells — in  the  con¬ 
struction  of  which  they  use  neither  iron  nor  any 
other  metal.  This  is  very  remarkable,  for  I  have 
seen  houses  two  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long, 
and  thirty  feet  wide,  built  with  much  skill,  and 
containing  five  or  six  hundred  people.  They  sleep 
in  hammocks  of  cotton,  suspended  in  the  air, 
without  any  covering;  they  eat  seated  upon  the 
ground,  and  their  food  consists  of  the  roots  of 
herbs,  of  fruits  and  fish.  They  eat,  also,  lobsters, 
crabs,  and  oysters,  and  many  other  kinds  of  mus¬ 
cles  and  shell-fish,  which  are  found  in  the  sea. 
As  to  their  meat,  it  is  principally  human  flesh. 
It  is  true  that  they  devour  the  flesh  of  animals 
and  birds ;  but  they  do  not  catch  many,  because 
they  have  no  dogs,  and  the  woods  are  so  thick, 
and  so  filled  with  wild  beasts,  that  they  do  not 
care  to  go  into  them,  without  going  in  large  bodies. 

The  men  are  in  the  habit  of  decorating  their 
lips  and  cheeks  with  bones  and  stones,  which  they 
suspend  from  holes  which  they  bore  in  them.  I 
have  seen  some  of  them  with  three,  seven,  and 
even  as  many  as  nine  holes,  filled  with  white  or 
green  alabaster — a  most  barbarous  custom,  which 
they  follow,  in  order,  as  they  say,  to  make  them 
selves  appear  fierce  and  ferocious. 

xU-  ^  ^  At-  Ai-  At:  At- 

*tv  ”T>  'TV*  TV  *7v*  'tv  Tv  'TT- 

******** 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


199 


They  are  a  people  of  great  longevity.  We  met  chapter 
with  many  who  had  descendants  of  the  fourth  — — — 
degree.  Not  knowing  how  to  compute  time,  and  gevityand 
counting  neither  days,  months,  or  years,  excepting  computing 
in  so  far  as  they  count  the  lunar  months,  when 
they  wanted  to  signify  to  us  any  particular  dura¬ 
tion  of  time,  they  did  it  by  showing  us  a  stone 
for  each  moon ;  and,  computing  in  this  manner,  we 
discovered  that  the  age  of  one  man  that  we  sawT 
was  seventeen  hundred  moons,  or  •  about  one 
hundred  and  thirty-two  years,  reckoning  thirteen 
moons  to  the  year. 

They  are  a  warlike  race,  and  extremely  cruel.  Their  wars 
All  their  arms  and  bows  are,  as  Petrarch  says,  acruekyge 
u  committed  to  the  winds for  they  consist  only 
of  spears,  arrows,  and  stones.  They  use  no 
shields  for  the  body — going  to  battle  wholly  na¬ 
ked.  There  is  no  order  or  discipline  in  their 
fights,  except  that  they  follow  the  counsels  of  the 
old  men.  Most  cruelly  do  they  combat,  and  those 
who  conquer  in  the  field  bury  their  own  dead, 
but  cut  up  and  eat  the  dead  of  their  enemies. 

Some,  who  are  taken  prisoners,  are  carried  to 
their  villages  for  slaves.  Females  taken  in  war, 
they  frequently  marry ;  and  sometimes  the  male 
prisoners  are  allowed  to  marry  the  daughters  of 
the  tribe ;  but  occasionally  a  diabolical  fury  seems 
to  come  over  them,  and,  calling  together  their 
relations  and  all  the  people,  they  sacrifice  these 
slaves,  the  children  with  their  parents,  with  many 
barbarous  ceremonies.  This  we  know  of  a  cer- 


200 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XII. 


Climate  and 
health  of  the 
country. 


tainty;  for  we  found  much  human  flesh  in  their 
houses,  hung  up  to  smoke,  and  we  purchased  ten 
poor  creatures  from  them,  both  men  and  women, 
whom  they  were  about  to  sacrifice,  to  save  them 
from  such  a  fate. 

Much  as  we  reproached  them  on  this  account, 
I  cannot  say  whether  they  amended  at  all.  The 
most  astonishing  thing  in  all  their  wars  and  cru¬ 
elty  was,  that  we  could  not  find  out  any  reason 
for  them.  They  made  wars  against  each  other, 
although  they  had  neither  kings,  kingdoms,  nor 
property  of  any  kind,  without  any  apparent  desire 
to  plunder,  and  without  any  lust  for  power,  which 
always  appeared  to  me  to  be  the  moving  causes  of 
wars  and  anarchy.  When  we  asked  them  about, 
this,  they  gave  us  no  other  reason  than  that  they 
did  so  to  avenge  the  murder  of  their  ancestors. 
To  conclude  this  disgusting  subject,  one  man 
confessed  to  me  that  he  had  eaten  of  the  flesh  of 
over  two  hundred  bodies,  and  I  believe  it  was  the 
truth. 

In  regard  to  the  climate  of  this  region,  I  should 
say  that  it  was  extremely  pleasant  and  healthful ; 
for,  in  all  the  time  that  we  were  there,  which  was 
ten  months,  not  one  of  us  died,  and  only  a  few 
were  sick.  They  suffer  from  no  infirmity,  pesti¬ 
lence,  or  corruption  of  the  atmosphere,  and  die 
only  natural  deaths,  unless  they  fall  by  their  own 
hands,  or  in  consequence  of  some  accident.  In 
fact,  physicians  would  have  a  bad  time  in  such 
a  place. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


201 


As  we  went  there  solely  to  make  discoveries,  and 
started  with  that  view  from  Lisbon,  without  in¬ 
tending  to  look  for  any  profit,  we  did  not  trouble 
ourselves  to  explore  the  country  much,  and  found 
nothing  of  much  value ;  not  that  I  do  not  believe 
that  it  is  capable,  from  its  climate  and  general  ap¬ 
pearance,  of  containing  every  kind  of  wealth.  It  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  we  did  not  discover  at 
once  every  thing  that  might  be  turned  to  profit 
there,  for  the  inhabitants  think  nothing  of  gold,  sil¬ 
ver,  or  precious  stones,  and  value  only  feathers  and 
bones.  But  I  hope  that  I  shall  be  sent  again  by 
the  King  to  visit  these  regions,  and  that  many 
years  will  not  elapse,  before  they  will  bring  im¬ 
mense  profit  and  revenue  to  the  kingdom  of  Portu¬ 
gal.  We  found  great  quantities  of  dye-wood, 
enough  to  load  all  the  ships  that  float,  and  costing 
nothing.  The  same  may  be  said  of  cassia.  We 
saw  also  crystals,  spices,  and  drugs,  but  the  qual¬ 
ities  of  the  last  are  unknown. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  country  tell  of  gold  and 
other  metals,  but  I  am  one  of  those,  who,  like  St. 
Thomas,  are  slow  to  believe.  Time  will  show  all. 

Most  of  the  time  of  our  stay,  the  heavens  were 
serene,  and  adorned  with  numerous  bright  and 
beautiful  stars,  many  of  which  I  observed,  with 
their  revolutions.  This  may  be  considered  a 
schedule,  or,  as  it  were,  a  capita  rerum ,  of  the  things 
which  I  have  seen  in  these  parts.  Many  things 
are  omitted,  which  are  worthy  of  being  mentioned, 
in  order  to  avoid  prolixity,  and  because  they  are 

26 


CHAPTER 

XII. 


Productions 
of  the  coas- 
try. 


I 


202 

CHAPTER 

XII. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

found  in  my  account  of  the  voyage.  As  yet  I 
tarry  in  Lisbon,  waiting  the  pleasure  of  the  King, 
to  determine  what  I  shall  do.  May  it  please  God 
that  I  do  whatever  is  most  to  his  glory  and  the 
salvation  of  my  soul. 

^four  Excellency’s  servant, 

Americus  Vespucius. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


SECOND  LETTER  OF  AMERICUS  TO  LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRAN- 
CESCO  DE’  MEDICI,  GIVING  A  FULLER  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS 
THIRD  VOYAGE,  MADE  FOR  THE  KING  OF  PORTUGAL.1 

Pieamble  respecting  the  First  Letter  of  Americus  to  De  Medici. — 
Sails  from  Lisbon  May  13th,  1501. — Arrives  at  the  Canaries.— Coasts 
the  Shores  of  Africa.— Experiences  violent  Gales.— Provisions  fall 
short.— Long  Passage.— Despair  at  their  Situation.— Arrive  at  last 
at  the  Continent.— Ignorance  of  the  Pilots.— Astronomical  Observa¬ 
tions  of  Americus.— Coast  along  the  Shores  of  South  America.— 
Intercourse  with  the  Natives. — Thickly-inhabited  Country. — Sin¬ 
gular  Customs  of  the  Natives.— Their  Mode  of  Life.— Cannibalism 
again.— Climate  and  Fruits.— Stars  of  the  Antarctic  Pole.— Beautiful 
Iris  or  Rainbow.— Geometrical  Calculations  of  Americus. _ Grati¬ 

tude  to  the  Supreme  Being.— Arrival  at  Lisbon.— Another  Voyage 
in  Contemplation. 

In  days  past,  I  gave  your  Excellency  a  full  ac¬ 
count  of  my  return,  and  if  I  remember  aright,  wrote 
you  a  description  of  all  those  parts  of  the  New 
World  which  I  had  visited  in  the  vessels  of  his  se- 
lene  highness  the  King  ot  Portugal.  Carefully  con¬ 
sidered,  they  appear  truly  to  form  another  world, 
and  therefore  we  have,  not  without  reason,  called 
it  the  New  World.  Not  one  of  all  the  ancients  had 


1  One  circumstance  distinguishes 
this  letter  from  the  others  of  Amer¬ 
icus.  It  is  not  in  the  Italian  ver¬ 
sions,  filled,  as  all  the  rest  are,  with 
Italianized  Spanish  words,  or  rath¬ 


er  with  corrupt  Spanish.  The 
text  of  Ramusio  is  purely  Tuscan, 
and  is  copied  by  Canovai,  from 
whom  this  translation  is  made. — 
Canovai ,  tom.  i.  p.  153,  154. 


CHAPTER 

XIII. 


204 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

X.IL 


Departure 
from  Lisbon 
May  13th, 
1501. 


any  knowledge  of  it,  and  the  things  which  have 
been  lately  ascertained  by  us,  transcend  all  their 
ideas.  They  thought  there  was  nothing  south  of 
the  equinoctial  line  but  an  immense  sea,  and  some 
poor  and  barren  islands.  The  sea  they  called  the 
Atlantic,  and  if  sometimes  they  confessed  that  there 
might  be  land  in  that  region,  they  contended  that  it 
must  be  sterile,  and  could  not  be  otherwise  than 
uninhabitable. 

The  present  navigation  has  controverted  their 
opinions,  and  openly  demonstrated  to  all,  that  they 
were  very  far  from  the  truth.  Beyond  the  equinoc¬ 
tial  line,  I  found  countries  more  fertile  and  more 
thickly  inhabited,  than  I  have  ever  found  any  where 
else,  even  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  as  will  be 
more  fully  manifested  by  duly  attending  to  the  fol¬ 
lowing  relation.  Setting  aside  all  minor  matters,  I 
shall  relate  only  those  of  the  greatest  importance, 
which  are  well  worthy  of  commemoration,  and 
those  which  I  have  personally  seen  or  heard  of 
from  men  of  credibility.  I  shall  now  speak  with 
much  care  concerning  those  parts  most  recently  dis¬ 
covered,  and  without  any  romantic  addition  to  the 
truth. 

With  happy  omens  of  success,  we  sailed  from 
Lisbon,  with  three  armed  caravels,  on  the  thir¬ 
teenth  day  of  May,  1501,  to  explore,  by  command 
of  the  king,  the  regions  of  the  New  World.  Steer¬ 
ing  a  southwest  course,  we  sailed  twenty  months, 
in  the  manner  which  I  shall  now  relate.  In  the 
first  place,  we  went  to  the  Fortunate  Islands, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


205 


which  are  now  called  the  Grand  Canaries.  They 
are  in  the  third  climate,  in  the  farthest  part  of  the 
West  which  is  inhabited.  After  navigating  the 
ocean,  we  ran  along  the  coast  of  Africa  and  the 
country  of  the  blacks,  as  far  as  the  promontory 
which  is  called  by  Ptolemy,  Etiopo,  by  our  people, 
Cape  Verd,  and  by  the  negroes,  Biseneghe,  while 
the  inhabitants  themselves  call  it  Madanghan. 
The  country  is  situated  within  the  Torrid  Zone,  in 
about  fourteen  degrees  north  latitude,  and  is  inhab¬ 
ited  by  the  blacks.  Here  having  refreshed  our¬ 
selves,  and  reposed  awhile,  we  took  in  every  kind 
of  provision,  and  set  sail,  directing  our  course  to- 
v,  ards  the  Antarctic  Pole. 

We  bore  a  little  to  the  west,  as  the  wind  was 
easterly,  and  we  never  saw  land  until  after  we  had 
sailed  three  months  and  three  days  consecutively. 
What  great  toils  and  dangers  we  were  exposed  to 
in  this  navigation,  what  troubles  and  vexations  we 
suffered,  and  how  often  we  were  disgusted  with 
life,  I  shall  leave  those  to  judge  who  have  had  sim¬ 
ilar  experience — those  particularly  who  know  what 
great  difficulties  are  met  with,  while  looking  for  un¬ 
certain  things,  and  attempting  discoveries  in  places 
where  man  has  never  before  been ;  but  I  would  not 
wish  any  one  to  be  our  judge  who  has  had  no  expe¬ 
rience  in  these  things. 

To  shorten  my  relation  as  much  as  possible,  your 
Excellence  must  know,  that  we  sailed  ninety-seven 
da)  s,  experiencing  harsh  and  cruel  fortune.  During: 
forty-four  days,  the  heavens  were  in  great  commo- 


CIIAPTER 

XII  . 


Sail  on  a 
southwest¬ 
erly  course 
and  experi¬ 
ence  severe 
storms. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


206 

an  iter  tion;  and  we  had  nothing  but  thunder  and  lightning 
—  and  drenching  rain.  Dark  clouds  covered  the  sky, 
so  that  by  day  we  could  see  but  little  better  than 
we  could  in  ordinary  nights,  without  moonshine. 
Our  nights  were  of  the  blackest  darkness.  The 
fear  of  death  came  over  us,  and  the  hope  of  life  al¬ 
most  deserted  us.  After  all  these  heavy  afflictions, 
at  last  it  pleased  God,  in  his  mercy,  to  have  com¬ 
passion  on  us  and  to  save  our  lives.  On  a  sudden, 
the  land  appeared  in  view,  and  at  the  sight  of  it 
our  courage,  which  had  fallen  very  low,  and  our 
strength,  which  had  become  weakness,  immediate¬ 
ly  revived.  Thus  it  usually  happens  to  those  who 
have  passed  through  great  affliction,  and  especially 
to  those  who  have  been  preserved  from  the  rage  of 
evil  fortune. 

Gome  to  an-  On  the  seventeenth  day  of  August,  in  the  vear 

chor  Au-  .j  r  n  1  ill  °  J 

gust  i7th,  ioui,  we  anchored  by  the  shore  of  that  country, 
and  rendered  to  the  Supreme  Being  our  most 
sincere  thanks,  according  to  the  Christian  custom, 
in  a  solemn  celebration  of  mass.1  The  land  we 
discovered  did  not  appear  to  be  an  island,  but  a 
continent,  as  it  extended  far  away  in  the  distance, 
without  any  appearance  of  termination.2  It  was 

1Bandini  makes  a  mistake  in  this  Americas  should  not  at  once  hav< 
date,  giving  it  as  the  first  day  of  recognized  the  continent  which  he 
August ;  other  editions  have  it  the  had  visited  before  in  his  second  voy- 
17th  of  August,  which  is  correct,  age,  and  have  mentioned  the  fact; 
as  Americus  started  on  the  13th  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that 
of  May,  and  sailed  three  months  his  vessels  had  been  buffeting  with 
and  three  days. — Canovai ,  tom.  i.  severe  gales,  and  driven  for  some 
P*  158.  time  almost  at  the  mercy  of  the 

2  It  may  seem  strange  that  waves — that  he  reached  land,  sit- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


207 


beautifully  fertile,  and  very  thickly  inhabited.  All 
sorts  of  wild  animals,  which  are  wholly  unknown 
in  our  parts,  were  there  found  in  abundance. 
Many  other  things  I  would  describe,  but  have 
studiously  avoided  mentioning,  in  order  that  my 
work  might  not  become  large  beyond  measure. 
One  thing  only  I  feel  that  I  should  not  omit:  it 
is,  that,  aided  by  the  goodness  of  God,  in  due  time, 
and  according  to  our  need,  we  saw  land ;  for  we 
were  not  able  to  sustain  ourselves  any  longer; 
all  our  provisions  having  failed  us;  our  wood, 
water,  biscuit,  salt  meat,  cheese,  wine,  oil,  and, 
what  is  more,  our  vigour  of  mind,  all  gone.  By 
God’s  mercy,  therefore,  our  lives  were  spared,  and 
to  him  we  ought  to  render  thanks,  honour,  and 
glory. 

We  were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  our  navi¬ 
gation  should  be  continued  along  this  coast,  and 
that  we  should  not  lose  sight  of  it.  We  sailed, 
therefore,  in  accordance  with  this  conclusion,  till 
we  arrived  at  a  certain  cape,  which  makes  a  turn 
to  the  .south.  This  cape  is,  perhaps,  three  hun¬ 
dred  leagues  distant  from  the  place  where  we 
first  saw  land.  In  sailing  this  distance  we  often 
landed,  and  had  intercourse  with  the  inhabitants, 
as  will  be  more  elaborately  mentioned  hereafter. 
I  have  ojmitted  to  state  that  this  newly-discovered 

uated  at  least  fifty  leagues  farther  all  he  might  have  recognized  it 
south  than  he  did  before,  in  a  dif-  without  thinking  it  important  to 
ferent  season,  and  when  the  coun-  say  that  he  did  so. — Canovai ,  tom. 
try  was  not  overflowed.  After  i.  p.  158. 


CHAPTER 

XI II. 


208 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  land  is  about  seven  hundred  leagues  distant  from 
— — 1 —  Cape  Verd,  though  I  was  persuaded  that  we  had 
sailed  more  than  eight  hundred.  This  was  partly 
owing  to  the  severe  storm  and  our  frequent  acci¬ 
dents,  and  partly  to  the  ignorance  of  the  pilot; 
both  of  which  causes  had  a  tendency  to  lengthen 
the  voyage. 

Ignorance  of  We  had  arrived  at  a  place  which,  if  I  had  not 

the  pilots. 

possessed  some  knowledge  of  cosmography,  by  the 
negligence  of  the  pilot,  would  have  finished  the 
course  of  our  lives.  There  was  no  pilot  who 
knew  our  situation  within  fifty  leagues,  and  we 
went  rambling  about,  and  should  not  have  known 
whither  we  were  going,  if  I  had  not  provided  in 
season  for  my  own  safety  and  that  of  my  com¬ 
panions,  with  the  astrolabe  and  quadrant,  my 
astrological  instruments.  On  this  occasion  I  ac¬ 
quired  no  little  glory  for  myself;  so  that,  from 
that  time  forward,  I  was  held  in  such  estimation 
by  my  companions,  as  the  learned  are  held  in  by 
people  of  quality.  I  explained  the  sea-charts  to 
them,  and  made  them  confess  that  the  ordinary 
pilots  were  ignorant  of  cosmography,  and  knew 
nothing  in  comparison  with  myself. 

The  cape  of  this  newly-discovered  land,  which 
turned  towards  the  south,  was  an  object  which 
excited  in  us  a  great  desire  to  arrive  at  it,  and 
examine  it  attentively.  It  was  determined,  by 
common  consent,  to  make  an  investigation,  and  un¬ 
derstand  the  customs  and  disposition  of  the  people 
of  the  country.  We  sailed,  accordingly,  near  the 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


coast  for  about  six  hundred  leagues.  We  landed  chapter 
often,  and  often  came  to  a  parley  with  the  in-  xnl 
habitants,  who  received  us  with  honour,  and  in 
a  very  friendly  manner.  Having  discovered  their 
kindness,  and  very  innocent  nature,  we  staid  with 
them,  not  without  receiving  much  honour,  for 
fifteen  or  twenty  days  at  a  time.  They  are  ex¬ 
tremely  courteous  in  entertaining  strangers,  which 
will  be  more  clearly  shown  hereafter.  This  con¬ 
tinent  commences  at  eight  degrees  south  of  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  we  sailed  so  far  along  the 
coast,  th.it.  w  e  passed  seventeen  degrees  beyond 
the  winter  tropic,  towards  the  Antarctic  Pole, 

which  was  here  elevated  fifty  degrees  above  the 
horizon. 

The  things  which  I  saw  there  are  unknown  to 
ihe  men  of  our  times.  That  is,  the  people,  their 
customs,  their  humanity,  the  fertility  of  the  soil, 
flic  mildness  of  the  atmosphere,  the  salubrious  sky, 
the  celestial  bodies,  and  above  all  the  fixed  stars 
of  the  eighth  sphere,  of  which  no  mention  has  ever 
been  made.  In  fact,  until  now  they  have  never 
been  known,  even  by  the  most  learned  of  the  an¬ 
cients,  and  I  shall  speak  of  them  therefore  more 
particularly. 

.  This  country  is  more  numerously  inhabited  than  a  iiuckiy- 
any  I  had  seen  for  some  time,  and  the  people  are  country!* 
very  mild  and  familiar.  They  do  not  offend  any 
one  ;  they  go  entirely  as  nature  has  brought  them 
forth ;  naked  they  are  born,  and  naked  they  die. 

Their  bodies  are  very  well  formed,  and  may  be 

27 


210 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XIU. 


said  to  be  fairly  proportioned ;  their  colour  is  of  a 
reddish  cast,  which  is  owing  partly  to  their  being 
naked,  and  therefore  easily  sunburnt ;  their  hair  is 
black,  but  long  and  straight.  In  walking  and  in 
their  games  they  display  superior  dexterity.  They 
have  handsome  faces  and  a  noble  aspect,  but  they 
deform  them  in  an  incredible  manner  by  perfora¬ 
tion.  Their  cheeks,  their  jaws,  their  noses,  lips 
and  ears  have  not  one  little  hole  only,  but  many 
large  ones  in  them  ;  so  that  I  have  often  seen  one 
have  seven  holes  in  his  face,  each  of  the  size  of  a 
damson  plum.  Having  dug  out  the  flesh,  they  fill 
the  holes  with  certain  blue  pebbles,  of  bright  mar¬ 
ble,  or  beautiful  alabaster,  or  ivory,  or  of  very  white 
bones,  made  according  to  their  fashion,  and  very 
conveniently  wrought.  This  thing  appears  so 
uncouth,  disgusting,  and  barbarous,  that  at  the 
first  sight,  a  man  having  his  face  filled  with 
stones  and  pierced  with  many  holes,  appeared  like 
a  monster.  It  will  hardly  be  believed,  that  one 
man  had  seven  stones  in  his  face,  each  one  more 
than  half  a  span  in  size  ;  there  is  no  one,  indeed, 
who  would  not  be  astonished  by  an  attentive  exam¬ 
ination  of  things  so  monstrous.  Nevertheless  they 
are  true,  for  I  myself  have  often  seen  seven  stones 
placed  in  this  fashion,  and  nearly  sixteen  ounces  in 
weight 

In  the  ears  they  wear  more  precious  ornaments, 
such  as  rings  fastened  in,  and  pendant  pearls  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Egyptians  and  Indians.  The 
custom  of  wearing  stones  is  observed  by  the  men 


✓ 


AMERICAS  VESPUCIUS. 


211 

alone.  The  women  only  wear  ornaments  in  the  chapter 

ears.  They  have  neither  wool  nor  flax,  consequent _ — 1 1‘ 

ly  they  have  no  cloth  at  all,  neither  do  they  use 
cotton  clothing,  as  by  going  entirely  naked  they 
have  no  need  of  any  garments. 

There  is  no  patrimony  among  them,  but  every  Domcstic 
thing  is  common.  They  have  neither  king  nor  em-  haSveSthe 
pire ;  each  one  is  a  king  by  himself.  They  take  as 
many  wives  as  they  please.  In  the  intercourse  of 
the  sexes  they  have  no  regard  to  kindred,  inter¬ 
marrying  the  son  with  the  mother,  arid  the  brother 
with  the  sister,  and  dissolving  these  connections 
whenever  it  pleases  them,  for  they  are  wholly  with¬ 
out  laws,  and  live  ungoverned  by  reason.  They 
have  neither  temples  nor  religion,  and  do  not  even 
worship  idols.  What  more  shall  1  say?  They 
have  a  wicked  and  licentious  manner  of  livin°* 

O  5 

more  like  the  style  of  the  Epicureans  than  that  of 
the  Stoics.  They  carry  on  no  commerce,  and  have 
no  knowledge  of  money.  Still  they  have  strife 
among  them,  and  fight  cruelly,  and  without  any  or¬ 
der.  The  old  men,  by  their  speeches,  stir  up  the 
young  men,  draw  them  into  their  opinions  when¬ 
ever  they  please,  and  inflame  them  for  war,  in 
which  they  kill  their  enemies.  If  they  overcome 
and  subdue  them,  they  eat  them,  and  consider  them 
very  delicious  food.  They  feed  on  human  flesh  to 
such  a  degree,  that  the  father  may  eat  the  son,  or 
the  son  may  eat  the  father,  as  the  chance  may  be. 

I  saw  one  very  wicked  wretch  who  boasted,  and 
held  it  as  no  small  glory  to  himself,  that  he  had 


212 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  eaten  more  than  three  hundred  men.  I  saw  also  a 
-  XI1- —  certain  town,  in  which  I  remained  perhaps  twenty- 
seven  days,  where  human  flesh,  having  been  salted, 
was  suspended  from  the  beams  of  the  dwellings,  as 
we  suspend  the  flesh  of  the  wild  boar  from  the 
beams  of  the  kitchen,  after  having  dried  it  in  the 
sun  or  smoked  it,  or  as  we  suspend  sausages  and 
other  similar  things.  They  were  greatly  astonished 
that  we  did  not  eat  our  enemies,  whose  flesh,  they 
say,  excites  the  appetite,  and  has  an  extraordinary 
relish,  and  is  of  a  most  sweet  and  delicate  flavour. 
Their  arms.  Their  arms  are  bows  and  arrows,  and  the  latter 
Tgevity.n  being  pointed  with  iron,  they  fight  most  cruelly 
with  them,  as  those  who  are  naked  are  assaulted 
and  wounded  like  brute  animals.  We  endeavoured 
many  times  to  convert  them  to  our  opinions,  and 
often  admonished  them,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing 
them  finally  to  abandon  such  an  infamous  custom 
as  an  abomination.  Many  times  they  promised  us 
to  refrain  from  practising  such  cruelty. 

******** 

******** 

They  live  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  according  to 
what  I  could  learn,  and  are  very  seldom  sick.1  If 

i  “I  found  such  a  very  perfect  life  of  the  Indians  to  the  habit  of 
and  singular  atmosphere  in  this  anointing  their  bodies  with  oily 
country  (Arabia  Felix),  that  I  substances,  ‘‘At  this  day,”  says 
spoke  with  many  persons  who  had  a  writer,  “  the  natives  of  Brazil 
lived  more  than  a  hundred  and  anoint  themselves,  and  are  very 
twenty-five  years,  and  they  were  long  lived,  so  much  so,  that  five 
yet  in  good  health  and  hearty.” —  years  ago,  some  French  friars  met 
Ramusio ,  tom.  i.  p.  155.  Some  some  natives,  who  remembered 
writers  have  attributed  the  long  the  building  of  Pernambuco,  a  hun- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


they  chance  to  fall  into  any  infirmity,  they  cure  them¬ 
selves  immediately  with  the  juice  of  herbs.  These 
are  the  things  I  have  discovered  among  them,  which 
are  worthy  of  esteem :  the  temperate  atmosphere,  the 
favourable  sky,  and  long  life ;  and  this  arises,  perhaps, 
from  the  east  wind,  which  blows  there  continually, 
and  has  the  same  effect  on  them  that  the  north 
wind  has  on  us.  They  take  great  pleasure  in  fish¬ 
ing,  and  for  the  most  part  live  by  it,  nature  aiding 
them  to  that  effect,  as  the  sea  abounds  there  with 
all  sorts  of  fish.  With  hunting  they  are  little  de¬ 
lighted,  on  account  of  the  great  multitude  of  wild 
animals,  through  fear  of  which  they  do  not  pursue 
their  game  in  the  forests.  All  sorts  of  lions,  bears, 
and  other  animals  are  seen  there.  The  trees  grow 
to  an  almost  incredible  height,  and  they  refrain, 
therefore,  from  going  into  the  forests,  because,  being 
naked  and  unarmed,  they  would  not  be  able  safely 
to  contend  with  the  wild  beasts. 

The  climate  is  very  temperate,  and  the  country 
fruitful,  and  supremely  delightful.  Although  it  has 
many  hills,  yet  it  is  watered  by  a  great  number  of 
springs  and  rivers,  and  the  forests  are  so  closely 
studded  that  one  cannot  pass  through  them,  on  ac¬ 
count  of  the  thickly-standing  trees.  Among  these 
ramble  ferocious  animals  of  various  kinds.  The 
trees  and  fruits  grow  without  the  labour  of  cultiva¬ 
tion,  and  indeed  their  fruits  are  most  excellent,  and 
are  found  in  great  abundance.  Yet  they  are  not 

dred  and  twenty  years  since,  and  of  manhood.” — Hist.  Vit.  et  Mort. 
they  had  then  arrived  at  the  age  p.  536.  Canovai ,  tom.  i.  p.  169. 


2  n 

CHAPTER 

XIII. 


214 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  pernicious  to  the  system,  though  very  unlike  our 
xin. 

- : —  own.  In  like  manner,  the  earth  produces  great 

quantities  of  herbs,  and  roots  of  which  they  make 
bread  and  other  eatables.  There  are  many  kinds 
of  grain,  but  they  are  not  exactly  similar  to  ours. 
The  country  produces  no  metal  except  gold,  of 
which  there  is  a  great  abundance.  Though  we  in 
this  first  voyage  have  brought  home  none,  yet  all 
the  people  of  the  country  certified  to  the  fact,  af¬ 
firming  that  the  region  abounded  in  gold,  and  say¬ 
ing  that  among  them  it  was  little  esteemed,  and 
nearly  valueless.  They  have  many  pearls  and  pre¬ 
cious  stones,  as  we  have  recorded  before.  Now 
though  I  should  be  willing  to  describe  all  these 
tilings  particularly,  from  the  great  number  of  them, 

.  and  their  diverse  nature,  this  history  would  become 
too  extensive  a  work.  Pliny,  a  most  learned  man, 
who  compiled  histories  of  many  tilings,  did  not  im¬ 
agine  the  thousandth  part  of  these.  If  he  had 
treated  of  each  one  of  them,  he  would  have  made 
a  much  larger,  but  in  truth  a  very  perfect  work. 

The  climate  The  various  species  of  parrots,  and  their  varie- 

beauty  of  gated  colours,  afford  particularly  no  small  matter 

the  country 

suggest  the  of  astonishment.  The  trees  all  yield  an  odour  of 

idea  of  a  J 

terrestrial  unimaginable  sweetness,  and  from  all  of  them  issue 

paradise.  “  1 

gums,  liquors,  and  juices.  If  we  knew  their  virtues, 
I  think  there  would  be  nothing  wanting  to  us,  not 
only  in  regard  to  our  pleasures,  but  in  regard  to  the 
maintenance  of  our  health,  or  to  the  recovering  of 
it  when  lost.  If  there  is  a  terrestrial  paradise  in 
the  world,  it  cannot  be  far  from  this  region.  The 


) 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 

country,  as  I  have  said  before,  facing  the  south  has 
such  a  temperate  climate,  that  in  winter  they  have 
no  cold,  and  in  summer  they  are  not  troubled  with 
heat. 

The  sky  and  the  atmosphere  are  seldom  over¬ 
shadowed  with  clouds,  and  the  days  are  almost 
always  serene.  Dew  sometimes  falls,  but  very 
lightly,  and  only  for  the  space  of  three  or  four  hours, 
and  then  vanishes  like  mist.  They  have  scarcely 
any  vapours,  and  the  sky  is  splendidly  adorned  with 
stars  unknown  to  us  ;  of  which  I  have  retained  a 
particular  remembrance,  and  have  enumerated  as 
many  as  twenty,  wdiose  brightness  is  equal  to  that 
of  Venus  and  Jupiter.  I  considered  also  their  cir¬ 
cuit  and  their  various  motions,  and  having  a  know¬ 
ledge  of  geometry,  I  easily  measured  their  circum¬ 
ference  and  diameter,  and  I  am  certain,  therefore, 
they  are  of  much  greater  magnitude  than  men  im¬ 
agine.  Among  the  others,  I  saw7  three  Canopi. 
Two  were  very  bright ;  the  third  was  dim,  and  un¬ 
like  the  others.1 


1  The  splendour  and  beauty 
of  these  stars  probably  induced 
Americus  to  give  them  the  name 
of  Canopus,  which  is  the  most 
brilliant  star  in  the  constellation 
Argo.  Corsali,  an  ancient  Flor¬ 
entine  navigator,  speaks  thus  of 
the  Antarctic  stars  which  occu¬ 
pied  the  attention  of  Americus: 
“  Here  we  saw  an  admirable  order 
of  stars,  which  in  that  part  of  the 
heavens  which  is  opposite  to  our 
>  North  Star  were  exhibited  in  end¬ 


less  revolving.” — Ramusio ,  tom. 
i.  p.  177,  E. 

Cadamosto,  speaks  of  observa¬ 
tions  taken  by  him  of  these  stars, 
and  describing  the  situation  of 
them,  says,  “  The  North  Star  ap¬ 
peared  very  low  upon  the  sea,  be¬ 
ing  not  more  than  the  length  of  a 
lance  above  it.  We  saw  six  stars 
low  upon  the  sea,  clear,  bright, 
and  large,  and  ranging  them  by 
the  compass,  we  concluded  that 
they  were  the  Ursa  Major  of  the 


\ 


215 

CHAPTER 

XIII. 


Astronomi¬ 
cal  observa¬ 
tions. 


216 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  The  Antarctic  Pole  has  not  the  Ursa  Major  and 

XIII.  .  «  J 

- Minor,  which  may  be  seen  at  our  Arctic  Pole ;  nei- 

The  stars  of  ,  . 

the  South-  (her  are  there  any  bright  stars  touching  the  pole, 

ern  Hemis-  i  »  r  ? 

phere.  but  of  those  which  revolve  round  it,  there  are  four 
in  the  form  of  a  quadrangle.  While  these  are  rising, 
there  is  seen  at  the  left  a  brilliant  Canopus ,  of  ad¬ 
mirable  magnitude,  which,  having  reached  mid-sky, 
forms  the  figure  of  a  triangle.  To  these  succeed 
three  other  brilliant  stars,  of  which  the  one  placed 
in  the  centre  has  twelve  degrees  of  circumference. 
In  the  midst  of  them  is  another  brilliant  Canopus. 
After  these  follow  six  other  bright  stars,  whose 
splendour  surpasses  that  of  all  others  in  the  eighth 
sphere.  The  middle  one  is  thirty-two  degrees  in 
circumference.  After  these  figures  follows  a  large 
Canopus ,  hut  it  is  dim.  These  are  all  to  be  seen  in 
the  milky  way,  and  when  they  arrive  at  the  merid¬ 
ian,  show  the  figure  of  a  triangle,  but  have  two 
sides  longer  than  the  other. 

I  saw  there  many  other  stars,  and  carefully  ob¬ 
serving  their  various  motions,  composed  a  book, 
which  treats  of  them  particularly.  In  this  book  I 


South,  but  the  principal  star  we 
did  not  see.” — Ramusio ,  tom.  i.  p. 
107,  B. 

Giuntini  writes,  “  Those,  who 
in  this  age,  have  taken  a  voyage 
from  Spain  towards  the  South,  re¬ 
late  that  many  bright  stars  are 
to  be  seen  about  the  Southern 
Pole,  of  which  Amerieus  Vespu- 
cius,  our  Florentine,  is  said  to  have 
enumerated  twenty.” 

The  reasoning  of  Amerieus  con¬ 
cerning  the  Southern  Stars,  the 


rainbow,  and  the  falling  stars,  is 
in  accordance  with  the  taste  and 
phraseology  of  the  age  in  which 
he  lived,  and  is,  consequently,  very 
slightly  conformable  to  the  ideas 
ol  philosophers  and  astronomers 
of  the  present  day.  This  note  is 
inserted  to  illustrate  the  views  of 
cotemporaneous  navigators,  and  of 
writers  who  flourished  at  about 
the  same  time. — Ganovai ,  tom.  i. 
p.  173-176. 


V 


a 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


have  related  almost  all  the  remarkable  things  which 
I  encountered  in  the  course  of  my  navigation,  and 
with  which  I  have  become  acquainted. 

This  book  is  at  present  in  the  possession  of  his 
Most  Serene  Highness,  the  King,  and  I  hope  he 
will  return  it  soon  into  my  hands.  I  examined 
some  things  in  that  hemisphere  very  diligently, 
which  enable  me  to  contradict  the  opinions  of  phi¬ 
losophers,  being  altogether  repugnant  to  them. 
Among  other  things,  I  saw  the  rainbow,  that  is,  the 
celestial  arch,  which  is  white  near  midnight.1  Now 
in  the  opinion  of  some,  it  takes  the  colour  of  the 
four  elements — the  red,  from  fire  ;  the  green,  from 
the  earth;  the  white,  from  the  air;  and  the  blue,  from 
the  water.  Aristotle,  in  his  book  entitled  “  Meteors,” 
is  of  a  very  different  opinion.  He  says,  “  The  celes¬ 
tial  arch  is  a  repercussion  of  the  sun’s  rays,  in  the  va- 


1  “By  this  white  rainbow,  he 
means,  perhaps,  that  he  had  seen 
some  of  those  crowns  which  as¬ 
tronomers  call  ‘  Halos,’  and  which 
appear  round  the  moon,  and  other 
planets  and  fixed  stars,  and  are 
often  of  whitish  colour,”  &c. 
Thus  writes  Bandini,  commenting 
on  this  passage,  in  the  letter  of 
Americus.  A  Portuguese  pilot 
speaks  o  f  such  a  rainbow  in  the 
work  of  Ramusio :  “  It  has  been 
noticed,”  says  he,  “  after  a  rain, 
that  the  moon,  by  night,  makes 
that  appearance  of  the  Iris  called 
the  bow,  such  as  is  made  by  the 
sun  in  the  daytime.  But  the 
colours  made  by  the  moon  are  like 
white  mist.” — Tom.  i.  p.  116,  D. 
Now  the  Halo  does  not  form  an 


“arch,”  but  an  entire  circle,  and 
is  not  very  rare  among  us,  having 
been  often  particularly  mentioned 
by  navigators.  “  They  saw,” 
says  Cook,  “  almost  every  morn¬ 
ing  a  rainbow,  until  one  night  in 
the  forepart  of  July,  they  saw  one 
astonishingly  beautiful,  occasioned 
by  the  refraction  of  the  light  of 
the  moon.” — Cook's  Voyages ,  vol. 
v.  p.  287.  “  The  palest  light  of 

the  moon  produces  in  like  manner 
a  rainbow,  which  is  less  observed 
on  account  of  its  faint  and  fading 
colours,  but  I  observed  one  with 
very  lively  colours,  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  June,  1773,”  &c. — Ibid. 
vol.  ix.  p.  134.  Canovai ,  tom.  i. 
p.  177,  178. 


28 


217 

CHAPTER 

XIII. 


Work  of 
Americus  on 
the  subject 
of  astrono¬ 
my. 


218 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XIII. 


Illustration 
of  the  Anti¬ 
podes. 


pours  of  the  clouds  where  they  meet,  as  bright¬ 
ness,  reflected  from  the  water  upon  the  wall,  returns 
to  itself.  By  its  interposition  it  tempers  the  heat  of 
the  sun  ;  by  resolving  itself  into  rain,  it  fertilizes  the 
earth,  and  by  its  splendour  beautifies  the  heavens. 
It  demonstrates  that  the  atmosphere  is  filled  with 
humidity,  which  will  disappear  forty  years  before 
the  end  of  the  world,  which  will  be  an  indication 
of  the  dryness  of  the  elements.  It  announces  peace 
between  God  and  men,  is  always  opposite  the  sun, 
is  never  seen  at  noon,  because  the  sun  is  never  in 
the  north.”  But  Pliny  says,  that  after  the  autumnal 
equinox,  it  appears  at  every  hour.  This  I  have 
extracted  from  the  Comments  of  Landino  on  the 
fourth  book  of  the  JEneiad,  and  I  mention  it  that 
no  one  may  be  deprived  of  the  fruit  of  his  labours, 
and  that  appropriate  honours  may  be  rendered  to 
every  one. 

I  saw  this  bow  two  or  three  times ;  neither  am 
I  alone  in  my  reflections  upon  this  subject.  Many 
mariners  are  also  of  my  opinion.  We  saw,  also, 
the  new  moon  at  mid-day,  as  it  came  into  conjunc¬ 
tion  with  the  sun.  There  were  seen,  also,  every 
night,  vapours  and  burning  flames  flashing  across 
the  sky.  A  little  above,  I  called  this  region  by 
the  name  of  hemisphere,  which,  if  we  would  not 
speak  improperly,  cannot  be  so  called,  when  com¬ 
paring  it  with  our  own.  It  appeared  only  to 
present  that  form  partially,  and  it  seemed  to  us 
speaking  improperly  to  call  it  a  hemisphere. 

As  I  have  before  stated,  we  sailed  from  Lisbon, 


t 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


219 


which  is  nearly  forty  degrees  distant  from  the 
equinoctial  line  towards  the  north,  to  this  country 
which  is  fifty  degrees  on  the  other  side  of  the  line , 
the  sum  of  these  degrees  is  ninety,  and  is  the 
fourth  part  of  the  circumference  of  the  globe,  ac¬ 
cording  to  the  true  reckoning  of  the  ancients.  It 
is  therefore  manifest  to  all,  that  we  measured  the 
fourth  part  of  the  Earth.  We,  who  reside  in 
Lisbon,  nearly  forty  degrees  north  of  the  equinoc¬ 
tial  line,  are  distant  from  those  who  reside  on  the 
other  side  of  the  line,  in  angular  meridional  length, 
ninety  degrees  ;  that  is,  obliquely.  In  order  that 
the  case  may  be  more  plainly  understood,  I  would 
observe,  that  a  perpendicular  line  starting  from 
that  point  in  the  heavens  which  is  our  zenith, 
strikes  those  obliquely  who  are  fifty  degrees  be¬ 
yond  the  equinoctial  line ;  whence  it  appears  that 
we  are  in  the  direct  line,  and  they,  in  comparison 
with  us,  are  in  the  oblique  one,  and  this  situation 
forms  the  figure  of  a  right-angled  triangle,  of  which 
we  have  the  direct  lines,  as  the  figure  more  clearly 
demonstrates.1  I  have  thus  spoken  with  sufficient 
prolixity  as  to  cosmography. 

Such  are  the  things  which  in  this,  my  last  navi¬ 
gation,  I  have  considered  worthy  of  being  made 
known ;  nor  have  I,  without  reason,  called  this 


i  The  figure  spoken  of  consists,  our  zenith,  the  second,  drawn  at 
as  will  be  seen  on  the  next  page,  right  angles  with  it,  will  strike  the 
of  two  straight  lines  extending  zenith  of  a  person  standing  at 
from  the  centre  of  the  earth  to  the  ninety  degrees  distance  from  us. — 
sky.  If  the  first  line  strikes  the  Canovai,  tom.  i.  p.  182. 
point  in  the  heavens,  which  is  at 


CHAPTER 

XIII. 


2 20 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF. 


work  the  u  Third  Journey.'7  I  have  before  com¬ 
posed  two  other  books  on  navigation  which,  by 
command  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile,  I  per¬ 
formed  in  the  West,  in  which  many  things  not 
unworthy  of  being  made  known  are  particularly 
described ;  especially  those  which  appertain  to 
the  glory  of  our  Saviour,  who,  with  marvellous 
skill,  built  this  machine,  the  world.  And,  in 
truth,  who  can  ever  sufficiently  praise  God?  I 
have  related  marvellous  things  concerning  him 
in  the  aforesaid  work.  I  have  stated  briefly  that 
which  relates  to  the  position  and  ornaments  of 
the  globe  ;  so  that  when  I  shall  be  more  at  leisure, 
I  may  be  able  to  write  out,  with  greater  care,  a 
work  upon  cosmography,  in  order  that  future  ages 
may  bear  me  in  remembrance.  Such  works  teach 
me  more  fully,  from  day  to  day,  to  honour  the 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


221 


Supreme  God,  and  finally  to  arrive  at  the  knowl¬ 
edge  of  those  things  which  our  ancestors  and  the 
ancient  fathers  had  no  acquaintance  with.  With 
most  humble  prayers  I  supplicate  our  Saviour, 
whose  province  it  is  to  have  compassion  upon 
mortals,  that  he  will  prolong  my  life  sufficiently, 
that  I  may  perform  what  I  have  purposed  to  do. 
My  three  journeys  I  think  I  shall  defer  writing 
about  in  full  till  another  time.  Probably  when 
I  have  returned  safe  and  sound  to  my  native 
country,  witli  the  aid  and  counsel  of  learned  men, 
and  with  the  encouragement  of  friends,  I  shall 
write  with  greater  care  a  larger  work. 

Your  Excellency  will  pardon  me  for  not  having 
sent  you  the  journals  which  I  kept  from  day  to 
day  in  this  my  last  navigation,  as  I  had  promised 
to  do.  The  king  has  been  the  cause  of  it,  and  he 
still  retains  my  pamphlets.  But  since  1  have 
delayed  performing  this  work  until  the  present 
day,  perhaps  I  shall  add  the  fourth  “  Journey.’7 
I  contemplate  going  again  to  explore  that  southern 
part  of  the  New  World  ;  and  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out  such  intention,  two  vessels  are  al¬ 
ready  armed  and  equipped,  and  abundantly  sup¬ 
plied  with  provisions.  I  shall  first  go  eastward, 
before  making  the  voyage  south ;  I  shall  then  sail 
to  the  southwest,  and  when  I  shall  have  arrived 
there,  i  shall  do  many  things  for  the  praise  and 
glory  of  God,  the  benefit  of  my  native  country, 
the  perpetual  memory  of  my  name,  and  particu- 


CIl  i\PTER 
XIII. 


Apology  for 
not  sending 
the  journals 
of  the  voy¬ 
age. 


222 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER 

XIIL 


larly  for  the  honour  and  solace  of  my  old  age, 
which  has  already  nearly  come  upon  me. 

There  is  nothing  wanting  in  this  affair  but  the 
leave  of  the  king ;  and  when  this  is  obtained,  as 
it  soon  will  be,  we  shall  sail  on  a  long  voyage, 
and  may  it  please  God  to  give  it  a  happy  ter¬ 
mination. 

Your  Excellency’s  servant, 

Americus  Vespucius. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


CONTINUATION  OF  THE  LETTER  TO  PIERO  SODERINI,  GIVING 
A  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  THIRD  VOYAGE  OF  AMERICUS. 

Stay  at  Lisbon  after  Second  Voyage. — Letters  from  the  King  of  Por- 
tugal.  Juliano  Bartolomeo  del  Giocondo  sent  from  Lisbon  to  urge 
Americus  to  sail  in  the  Portuguese  Service. — His  Consent  and  De¬ 
parture  for  Lisbon. — Sails  from  Lisbon,  13th  of  May,  1501. _ En¬ 

counters  severe  Storms.— Arrives  at  the  Continent.— Sails  along 
the  Shores.— Attempts  to  treat  with  the  Natives. — Two  of  the 
Crew  proceed  Inland.— Treachery  of  the  Natives.— One  of  the  Crew 
killed  and  eaten.— Learn  the  Death  of  the  other  two. — At  length 
meet  with  Friendly  Natives. — Continue  the  Voyage  to  the  North. 
—April  7th,  discover  New  Land.— More  severe  Storms.— Return 
to  Lisbon. — Arrive  on  the  Seventh  of  September,  1502. 

I  was  reposing  myself  in  Seville,  after  the  many 
toils  I  had  undergone  in  the  two  voyages  made  for 
His  Serene  Highness  Ferdinand,  King  of  Castile,  in 
the  Indies,  yet  indulging  a  willingness  to  return  to 
the  land  of  pearls,  when  fortune,  not  seeming  to  be 
satisfied  with  my  foyner  labours,  inspired  the  mind 
of  his  Serene  Majesty,  Don  Emmanuel,  King  of  Por- 
tugal  (I  know  not  through  what  circumstances),  to 
attempt  to  avail  himself  of  my  services.  There 
came  to  me  a  royal  letter  from  his  Majesty,  contain¬ 
ing  a  solicitation  that  I  would  come  to  Lisbon  and 
speak  with  his  highness,  he  promising  to  show  me 
many  favours.  I  did  not  at  once  determine  to  go, 
and  argued  with  the  messenger,  telling  him  I  was 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


224 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  ill,  and  indisposed  for  the  undertaking,  but  that 

- —  when  I  recovered,  if  his  Highness  wished  me  to 

serve  him,  I  would  do  whatever  he  might  com¬ 
mand  me. 

persuasions  Seeing  that  he  could  not  obtain  me,  he  sent  Juli- 

Americas  to  a  no  di  Bartolomeo  del  Giocondo,  who  at  that  time 

go  to  Lis-  ' 

b(m-  resided  in  Lisbon,  with  commission  to  use  every 
possible  means  to  bring  me  back  with  him.1  Juli- 
ano  came  to  Seville,  and  on  his  arrival,  and  in¬ 
duced  by  his  urgent  entreaties,  I  was  persuaded  to 
go,  though  my  going  was  looked  upon  with  ill-fa¬ 
vour  by  all  who  knew  me.  It  was  thus  regarded 
by  my  friends,  because  I  abandoned  Castile,  where 
I  had  been  honoured,  and  because  they  thought 
that  the  king  had  rightful  possession  of  me,  and  it 
was  considered  still  worse  that  I  departed  without 
taking  leave  of  my  host. 

Having  presented  myself  at  the  court  of  King 
Emmanuel,  he  appeared  to  be  highly  pleased  with 
my  coming,  and  requested  that  I  would  accompany 
his  three  ships  which  w  ere  ready  to  set  out  for  the 
discovery  of  new  lands.  Thus,  esteeming  a  request 
from  a  king  as  equivalent  t(T  a  command,  I  was 
obliged  to  consent  to  whatever  he  asked  of  me. 

Departure  We  set  sail  from  the  port  of  Lisbon  with  three 

from  Lisbon  >  A 

MFk)i13,  S^PS  m  company,  on  the  thirteenth2  dn*V  of  May, 

1  This  Juliano  was  the  same  tions  printed  in  Milan  in  1508  and 
individual  who  translated,  from  1519. — Navarret.e ,  tom.  iii.  p.  263. 
Spanish  to  Italian,  and  from  Ital-  2  Respecting  the  date  of  the 
ian  to  Latin,  this  relation  of  the  commencement  of  this  voyage,  see 
voyage  of  Americus,  as  appears  notes  of  the  preceding  chapter; 
in  the  Latin  edition  which  Munoz  see  also  the  Dissert azione  Giustifi- 
speaks  of,  and  in  the  Italian  edi-  cativa,  No.  19. 


'V 


>  A  N  T  I  O  SAVAGES 


* 


< 


/> 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


225 


1501  ,  and  steered  our  course  directly  for  the  Grand 
Canary  Islands,  which  we  passed  without  stopping, 
and  coasted  along  the  western  shores  of  Africa. 
On  this  coast  we  found  excellent  fishing,  taking  a 
kind  of  fish  called  porghies,  and  were  detained  there 
three  days.  From  there  we  went  to  the  coast  of 
Ethiopia,  arriving  at  a  port  called  Beseneghe,  with¬ 
in  the  Torrid  Zone,  and  situated  in  the  fourteenth 
degree  of  north  latitude,  in  the  first  climate.  Here 
we  remained  eleven  days  taking  in  wood  and  water 
— as  it  was  my  intention  to  sail  for  the  South 
through  the  great  Atlantic  Ocean. 

We  left  this  port  of  Ethiopia,  and  sailed  on  our 
course,  bearing  a  quarter  south,  and  in  ninety-seven 
days  we  made  the  land  at  a  distance  of  seven  hun¬ 
dred  leagues  from  said  port.  In  those  ninety-seven 
days  we  had  the  worst  weather  that  ever  man  ex¬ 
perienced  who  navigated  the  ocean ;  a  succession  of 
drenching  rains,  showers,  and  tempests.  The  sea¬ 
son  was  very  unpropitious,  as  oar  navigation  was 
continually  drawing  us  nearer  the  equinoctial  line, 
where,  in  the  month  of  June,  it  is  winter,  and  where 
we  found  the  days  and  nights  of  equal  length,  and 
our  shadows  falling  continually  towards  the  south. 
It  pleased  God,  however,  to  show  us  new  land,  on 
the  seventeenth  day  of  August,  at  a ,  half  a  league 
distance  from  which,  we  anchored.  We  launched 
our  boats  and  went  ashore,  to  see  if  the  country 
was  inhabited,  and  if  so,  by  what  kind  of  people, 
and  we  found  at  length  a  population  far  more  de¬ 
graded  than  brutes. 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


Arrival  at 
the  conti¬ 
nent,  aftei 
severe 
storms,  on 
the  17th  of 
August. 


29 


226 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


Take  pos¬ 
session  of 
the  country 
in  tlie  namo 
of  the  king. 


Two  of  the 
crew  de¬ 
spatched  to 
treat  with 
the  natives. 


Your  Excellency  will  understand  that  at  first  we 
did  not  see  any  inhabitants,  though  we  knew  very 
well,  by  the  many  signs  we  saw,  that  the  coun¬ 
try  was  peopled.  We  took  possession  of  it  in  the 
name  of  his  most  Serene  Majesty,  and  found  it  to  be 
pleasant  and  verdant,  and  of  good  surface,  and  situ¬ 
ated  five  degrees  south  of  the  equinoctial  line ;  thus 
much  we  ascertained,  and  then  returned  to  the 
ships.  On  the  next  day,  as  we  were  in  great  need 
of  wood  and  water,  we  determined  to  go  on  shore 
and  procure  the  necessary  supplies.  While  we 
were  there,  we  saw  people  looking  at  us  from  the 
summit  of  a  mountain,  hut  they  did  not  venture  to 
descend.  They  were  naked,  and  of  the  same  col¬ 
our  and  figure  as  those  heretofore  discovered  bv 
me  for  the  King  of  Spain.  We  made  much  exertion 
to  persuade  them  to  come  and  speak  with  us,  but 
we  could  not  assure  them  sufficiently  to  trust  us. 
Seeing  their  obstinacy  and  malignity,  as  it  was 
growing  late,  we  returned  to  the  ships,  leaving  on 
shore  for  them  many  bells,  looking-glasses,  and 
other  things,  in  places  where  they  could  find  them. 
When  we  had  gone  away,  they  descended  from  the 
mountain,  and  took  possession  of  the  things  we  had 
left,  appearing  to  be  filled  with  wonder  while  view¬ 
ing  them.  So  on  this  day  we  obtained  no  advan¬ 
tage,  save  that  of  procuring  some  water. 

The  next  morning,  we  saw  from  the  ships  that 
the  people  of  the  country  were  making  many  bon¬ 
fires,  and  thinking  them  signals  for  us  to  come  to 
them,  we  went  on  shore.  We  found  that  many 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


22  7 


people  had  arrived,  but  they  kept  always  at  a  dis-  CHAPTER 
tance,  though  they  made  signs  that  they  wished  us  — - — 
to  accompany  them  inland. 

Whereupon  two  of  our  Christians  w  ere  induced 
to  ask  the  captain’s  permission  to  brave  the  danger 
and  go  with  them,  in  order  to  see  what  kind  of  peo¬ 
ple  they  were,  and  whether  they  had  any  riches, 
spices,  or  drugs.  They  importuned  him  so  much, 
that  he  finally  consented.  After  having  been  fitted 
out  with  many  articles  of  trade,  they  left  us,  with 
orders  not  to  be  absent  more  than  five  clays,  as  we 
should  expect  them  with  great  anxiety.  So  they 
took  their  way  into  the  country,  and  we  returned 
to  the  ships  to  wait  for  them,  which  wTe  did  for  the 
space  of  six  days.  Nearly  every  day  there  came 
people  to  the  shore,  but  they  would  never  speak 
with  us. 

On  the  seventh  day  we  landed,  and  found  that  one  of  the 
they  had  brought  their  wives  wi  h  them.  As  We  and  eaten, 
reached  the  shore,  the  men  of  the  country  com¬ 
manded  their  women  to  speak  with  us.  We  ob¬ 
served  that  they  hesitated  to  obey  the  order,  and 
accordingly  determined  to  send  one  of  our  people,  a 
very  courageous  young  man,  to  address  them.  In 
order  to  encourage  them,  we  entered  the  boats 
while  he  went  to  speak  with  the  women.  When 
he  arrived,  they  formed  themselves  into  a  great  cir¬ 
cle  around  him,  touching  him  and  looking  at  him 
as  with  astonishment.  While  all  this  was  soino- 
on,  we  saw  a  woman  coming  from  the  mountain, 
carrying  a  large  club  in  her  hand ;  when  she  ar- 


22 8 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


Fate  of  the 
two  messen¬ 
gers. 


rived  where  the  young  Christian  stood,  she  came 
up  behind  him,  and  raising  the  bludgeon,  gave  him 
such  a  blow  with  it,  that  she  laid  him  dead  on  the 
spot,  and  immediately  the  other  women  took  him 
by  the  feet  and  dragged  him  away  towards  the 
mountain. 

The  men  ran  towards  the  shore  forthwith,  and 
began  to  assail  us  with  their  bows  and  arrows, 
throwing  our  people  into  great  fright,  owing  to  the 
many  arrows  that  reached  them,  in  consequence  of 
the  boats  having  grounded.  No  one  resorted  to 
arms,  but  for  a  time  all  was  terror  and  panic.  After 
a  while,  however,  we  discharged  four  swivels  at 
them,  which  had  no  other  effect  than  to  make  them 
flee  towards  the  mountain,  when  they  heard  the  re¬ 
port.  There  we  saw  that  the  women  had  already 
cut  the  young  Christian  in  pieces,  and  at  a  great 
fire  which  they  had  made,  were  roasting  him  in  our 
sight,  showing  us  the  several  pieces  as  they  eat 
them.  The  men  also  made  signs  to  us,  indicating 

that  tliev  had  killed  the  other  two  Christians  and 
%/ 

eaten  them  in  the  same  manner,  which  grieved  us 
very  much. 

Seeing  with  our  own  eyes  the  cruelty  they  prac¬ 
tised  towards  the  dead,  and  the  most  intolerable 
injury  they  had  done  to  us,  more  than  forty  of  us 
adopted  the  determination  to  rush  on  shore,  avenge 
such  cruel  murders,  and  punish  such  bestial  and 
inhuman  conduct.  The  Superior  Captain,  however, 
would  not  consent  to  it,  and  thus  they  remained 
satiated  with  the  great  injury  they  had  done  us  ; 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


229 


and  we  left  them  most  reluctantly,  highly  chagrined 
at  the  course  of  our  Captain. 

We  departed  from  this  place  and  sailed  along  in 
a  southeastern  direction,  on  a  line  parallel  with  the 
coast,  making  many  landings,  hut  never  finding  any 
people  who  would  converse  with  us.  Continuing 
in  this  manner,  we  found  at  length  that  the  line  of 
the  coast  made  a  turn  to  the  south,  and  after  doub¬ 
ling  a  cape  which  we  called  Cape  St,  Augustin,  we 
began  to  sail  in  a  southerly  direction.  This  cape  is 
a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant  easterly  from 
the  aforementioned  land  where  the  three  Christians 
were  murdered,  and  eight  degrees  south  of  the  equi¬ 
noctial  line.  While  sailing  on  this  course,  we  one 
day  saw  many  people  standing  on  the  shore,  appa¬ 
rently  in  great  wonder  at  the  sight  of  our  ships. 
We  directed  our  course  towards  them,  and  having 
anchored  in  a  good  place,  proceeded  to  land  in  the 
boats,  and  found  the  people  better  disposed  than 
those  we  had  passed.  Though  it  cost  us  some  ex¬ 
ertion  to  tame  them,  we  nevertheless  made  them 
our  friends,  and  treated  with  them. 

In  this  place  we  staid  five  days,  and  here  we 
found  cassia  stems  very  large  and  green,  and  some 
already  dry  on  the  tops  of  the  trees.  We  deter¬ 
mined  to  take  a  couple  of  men  from  this  place,  in 
order  that  they  might  teach  us  the  language.  Three 
of  them  came  voluntarily  with  us,  in  order  to  visit 
Portugal. 

Being  already  wearied  with  so  much  writing,  I 
will  delay  no  longer  to  inform  your  Excellency  that 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


230 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


Voyage 
along  the 
coast  seven 
hundred 
and  fifty 
leagues. 


we  left  this  port  and  sailed  continually  in  a  south¬ 
erly  direction  in  sight  of  the  shore,  making  frequent 
landings,  and  treating  with  a  great  number  of  peo¬ 
ple.  We  went  so  far  to  the  south  that  we  were 
beyond  the  tropic  of  Capricorn,  where  the  south 
pole  is  elevated  thirty- two  degrees  above  the  hori¬ 
zon.  We  had  then  entirely  lost  sight  of  Ursa  Mi¬ 
nor.  and  even  Ursa  Major  was  very  low,  nearly  on 
the  edge  of  the  horizon  ;  so  we  steered  by  the  stars 
of  the  south  pole,  which  are  many,  and  much  lar¬ 
ger  and  brighter  than  those  of  the  north.  I  drew 
the  figures  of  the  greater  part  of  them,  particularly 
of  those  of  the  first  and  second  magnitude,  with  a 
description  of  the  circles  which  they  made  around 
the  pole,  and  an  account  of  their  diameters  and 
semi-diameters,  as  may  be  seen  in  my  “  Quattro  Gi- 
ornate'  (Four  Journeys). 

We  ran  on  this  coast  about  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues ;  one  hundred  and  fifty  from  Cape  St. 
Augustin  towards  the  west,  and  six  hundred  to¬ 
wards  the  south.  If  I  were  to  relate  all  the  things 
that  I  saw  on  this  coast,  and  others  that  we  passed, 
as  many  more  sheets  as  I  have  already  written  upon, 
would  not  be  sufficient  for  the  purpose.  We  saw 
nothing  of  utility  on  this  coast,  save  a  great  number 
of  dye-wood  and  cassia  trees,  and  also  of  those  trees 
which  produce  myrrh.  There  were,  however,  many 
natural  curiosities  which  cannot  be  recounted. 

Having  been  already  full  ten  months  on  the  voy¬ 
age,  and  seeing  that  we  had  found  no  minerals  in 
the  country,  we  concluded  to  take  our  leave  of  it, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


231 


and  attempt  the  ocean  in  some  other  part.  It  was 
determined  in  council  to  pursue  whatever  course 
of  navigation  appeared  best  to  me,  and  I  was  in¬ 
vested  with  full  command  of  the  fleet.  I  ordered 
that  all  the  people  and  the  fleet  should  he  provided 
with  wood  and  water  for  six  months ;  as  much  as 
the  officers  of  the  ships  should  judge  it  prudent  to 
sail  with.  Having  laid  in  our  provisions,  we  com¬ 
menced  our  navigation  with  a  southeasterly  wind, 
on  the  fifteenth  day  of  February,  when  the  sun  was 
already  approaching  the  equinoctial  line,  and  tend¬ 
ed  towards  this,  our  northern  hemisphere.  We 
were  in  such  a  high  southern  latitude  at  this  time 
that  the  south  pole  was  elevated  fifty-two  degrees 
above  the  horizon,  and  we  no  longer  saw  the  stars, 
either  of  Ursa  Minor  or  Ursa  Major. 

On  the  third  of  April  we  had  sailed  five  hundred 
leagues  from  the  port  we  left.  On  this  day  com¬ 
menced  a  storm,  which  was  so  violent  that  we 
were  compelled  to  take  in  all  our  sails,  and  run  un¬ 
der  bare  poles.  The  wind  was  south  and  very 
strong,  with  very  high  seas,  and  the  air  very  pier¬ 
cing.  The  storm  was  so  furious  that  the  whole 
fleet  was  in  great  apprehension.  The  nights  were 
very  long,  being  fifteen  hours  in  duration  on  and 
about  the  seventh  of  April,  the  sun  being  then  in 
sign  of  Aries,  and  winter  prevailing  in  this  region. 

Your  Excellency  will  please  to  observe  that 
while  driven  by  this  storm  on  the  seventh  of  April, 
we  came  in  sight  of  new  land,  and  ran  within  twenty 
leagues  of  it.  finding  the  whole  coast  wild,  and  see- 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


Encounter 
another  vio¬ 
lent  storm. 


232 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  ing  neither  harbour  nor  inhabitants.  Tiie  cold  was 

XIV. 

so  severe  that  no  one  in  the  fleet  could  either  with¬ 
stand  or  endure  it,  which  I  conceive  to  be  the  rea¬ 
son  ol  this  want  of  population.  Finding  ourselves 
in  such  great  danger,  and  the  storm  so  violent  that 
we  could  hardly  distinguish  one  ship  from  on  board 
another,  on  account  of  the  high  seas  that  were  run¬ 
ning,  and  the  misty  darkness  of  the  weather,  we 
agreed  that  the  Superior  Captain  should  make  sig¬ 
nals  to  the  fleet  to  turn  about,  and  that  we  should 
leave  the  country  and  steer  our  course  in  the  direc¬ 
tion  of  Portugal.  This  proved  to  be  very  good 
counsel,  for  certain  it  is,  if  we  had  delayed  that 
night,  we  should  all  have  been  lost.  We  took  the 
wind  aft,  and  during  the  night  and  next  day  the 
storm  increased  so  much  that  we  were  very  appre¬ 
hensive  for  our  safety,  and  made  many  vows  of  pil¬ 
grimage  and  the  performance  of  other  ceremonies 
usual  with  mariners  in  such  weather.1 

We  ran  five  days,  making  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues,  and  continually  approaching  the 
ecpuinoctial  line,  and  finding  the  air  more  mild  and 
the  sea  less  boisterous  ;  till  at  last  it  pleased  God  to 
deliver  us  from  this  our  great  danger.  It  was  our 
intention  to  go  and  reconnoitre  the  coast  of  Ethiopia, 


1  The  custom  of  making  vows 
of  pilgrimage,  in  case  of  delivery 
from  stormy  weather,  was  very 
common  among  the  sailors  of  that 
day.  The  Church  of  St.  Mary 
of  Guadaloupe  was  the  favourite 
resort  of  the  Spanish  and  Portu¬ 


guese  sailors.  “  This  day,”  writes 
Lopez,  “  many  vows  were  made 
and  lots  were  cast,  to  see  who 
should  go  and  visit  the  Holy 
Church  of  St.  Mary  of  Guada¬ 
loupe.” — Ramusio ,  tom.  i.  p.  145, 
C. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


233 


which  was  thirteen  hundred  leagues  distant  from 
us,  through  the  great  Atlantic  Sea,  and  by  the  grace 
of  God  we  arrived  at  it,  touching  at  a  southern  port 
called  Sierra  Leone,  where  we  staid  fifteen  days, 
obtaining  refreshments. 

From  this  place  we  steered  for  the  Azore  Islands, 
about  seven  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  distant, 
where  we  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  and 
staid  another  fifteen  days,  taking  some  recreation. 
Then  we  departed  for  Lisbon,  three  hundred  leagues 
distant,  and  situated  farther  west,  which  port  we 
entered  on  the  seventh  of  September,  1502,  in  good 
preservation  (for  which  the  All  Powerful  be  thank¬ 
ed),  with  only  two  ships,  having  burned  the  other  in 
Sierra  Leone,  because  it  was  no  longer  seaworthy. 
In  this  voyage  we  were  absent  about  fifteen  months, 
and  sailed  nearly  eleven  of  them  without  seeing  the 
north  star,  or  either  of  the  constellations  Ursa  Ma¬ 
jor  and  Minor,  which  are  called  the  horn,  steering 
meanwhile  by  the  star  of  the  other  pole.  The 
above  is  what  I  saw  in  this  my  third  voyage,  made 
for  his  Serene  Highness  the  King  of  Portugal. 

30 


CHAPTER 

XIV. 


Arrival  at 
Lisbon  on 
the  7th  of 
September, 
1502. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Reception  at  Lisbon. — Honours  in  that  City  and  Florence. — High 
Reputation  of  Americus. — His  Astronomical  Discoveries. — His 
Method  of  determining  Longitude. — The  Southern  Cross. — A  New 
Expedition  prepared. — Gonzalo  Coelho. — Sails  from  Lisbon  with 
six  Ships  on  the  10th  of  May,  1503. — Foolish  Vanity  and  Obsti¬ 
nacy  of  the  Commander  Coelho. — Loss  of  Part  of  the  Fleet. — Great 
Inconvenience  occasioned  thereby. — Americus  pursues  his  Voyage. 
— Discovers  an  Island. — Very  tame  Birds  thereon. — Arrives  at  the 
Continent. — Bay  of  All  Saints. — Builds  a  Fort  there. — Leaves  a 
Garrison. — Return  Voyage. — Arrival  at  Lisbon,  June  18th,  1504. — 
Commends  his  Family  to  the  Notice  of  Soderini. — Concluding  Re¬ 
marks. 


The  return  of  Americus  from  his  third  voyage 
occasioned  great  joy  in  Lisbon.  He  was  received 
with  high  honours  by  King  Emmanuel,  who  cele¬ 
brated  his  safe  arrival  with  much  magnificence. 
His  ship,  which  had  become  unseaworthy,  was 
broken  up,  and  portions  of  it  were  carried  in 
solemn  procession  to  a  church,  where  they  were 
suspended  as  valuable  relics.  Nor  were  the 
rejoicings  and  celebrations  confined  to  Portugal. 
His  own  countrymen  received  the  accounts  of  his 
discoveries  with  exultation.  Public  ceremonies 
were  ordered,  and  honours  were  bestowed  upon 
those  members  of  his  family  who  were  then  in 
Florence. 

Americus  acquired  as  much,  if  not  more  reputa- 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


235 


tion;  in  consequence  of  his  astronomical  and  geo¬ 
metrical  discoveries  in  his  two  last  voyages,  as  in 
consequence  of  his  exploration  of  new  countries. 
He  was  generally  admitted  to  he  vastly  in  advance 
of  all  the  navigators  of  the  age  in  his  knowledge 
of  these  sciences;  and  though  his  calculations  are 
undoubtedly  defective  in  many  points,  yet  they 
are  far  more  accurate  than  those  of  any  preceding 
or  cotemporary  mariner. 

“  Astronomy,77  says  the  Justificatory  Disserta¬ 
tion,  “  had  in  ancient  times  comparatively  very 
little  influence  in  nautical  all  airs.  The  wisest 
pilot,  in  his  studies  of  the  planets  and  stars,  was 
limited  to  observations  of  the  phases  of  the  moon, 
in  order  to  foresee  the  tides — to  a  calculation,  in 
the  daytime  of  the  meridian  altitude  of  the  sun, 
and  in  the  night-time,  to  the  steering  of  his  vessel 
by  the  constellations  of  Ursa  Major  and  Minor. 
Longitude  was  calculated  by  an  inexact  and  pre¬ 
carious  method,  and  no  navigator  considered  it 
necessary  to  know  much  of  the  movements  of 
the  moon  or  the  planets.771 

The  method  of  ascertaining  longitude  at  sea, 
by  observing  the  conjunction  of  the  moon  with  a 
planet,  was  one  of  his  most  important  discoveries. 
The  fact  that  these  conjunctions  were  observed 
to  take  place,  at  different  hours  in  different  pla¬ 
ces,  had  long  been  known.  The  astronomer  and 
cosmographer,  Ftolomey,  the  highest  authority  in 
those  days,  reporting,  among  other  things,  a  con- 

1  Diss.  Gius.  No.  88. 


CHAPTER 

XV. 


Method  of 
computing 
longitude. 


236 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XV. 


Observa¬ 
tions  of  the 
heavenly 
bodies.  The 
southern 
cross. 


junction  of  the  moon  with  Spiga,  gave  notice  that 
the  phenomenon,  which  was  observed  in  Rome  at 
five  o’clock,  appeared  in  Alexandria  at  6.20' ;  but 
neither  he,  nor  the  many  philosophers  who,  after 
him,  meditated  upon  the  subject,  thought  of  ren¬ 
dering  such  a  conjunction  available  for  the  fixing 
of  longitude  at  sea.1 

To  Americus,  therefore,  belongs  the  honour  of 
applying  this  method  for  the  first  time ;  and  it 
is  by  no  means  improbable  that,  by  his  writings, 
as  well  as  by  those  of  the  astronomer  of  Alexan- 
dria,  Galileo  may  have  been  led  to  apply,  to  the 
same  purpose,  the  frequent  eclipses  of  the  small 
planets  which  he  discovered  revolving  round  Ju¬ 
piter. 

The  observations  and  enumeration  of  the  stars 
which  Americus  made,  added  greatly  to  his  fame, 
and  were  of  infinite  service  to  future  mariners. 
The  voyagers  of  that  day  to  the  South  were  great¬ 
ly  alarmed  at  not  finding  in  the  southern  heavens 
a  guide  like  the  polar  star  of  the  North.  Vicente 
Pinzon,  who  navigated  in  the  same  direction,  and 
at  about  the  same  time  with  Americus,  expected  to 
find  one,  and  in  his  dismay  at  its  absence,  attributed 
it  to  some  swelling  of  the  earth’s  surface,  which  hid 
it  from  his  view.  Nothing  was  then  known  of  the 
beautiful  constellation,  which  supplies  its  place,  to 
mariners  in  the  Antarctic  seas.  The  “  many  sleep¬ 
less  nights”  which  Americus  devoted  to  the  exami¬ 
nation  of  the  Southern  Cross,  and  other  heavenly 

1  Diss.  Gius.  No.  92.  Almag.  L.  vii.  c.  3. 


ATvlERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


237 


bodies  of  the  same  hemisphere,  the  many  laborious 
calculations  which  he  entered  into,  when,  in  the 
words  of  his  favourite  poet, 

Each  star  of  the  other  pole,  night  now  beheld 
And  ours  so  low,  that  from  the  ocean  floor 
It  rose  not ; — 1 

must  have  been  well  repaid  by  the  convictions 
he  arrived  at,  and  the  fame  which  he  acquired  as 
an  accurate  astronomer.  It  is  evident  from  his 
writings  that  he  was  not  insensible  to  the  natural 
feelings  of  honourable  ambition,  and  considered  not 
only  the  benefits  lie  was  conferring  upon  mankind, 
but  looked  forward  to  acquiring  a  reputation  which 
might  be  the  comfort  and  consolation  of  his  old  age. 

Actuated  by  the  belief  that  Americus  would  have 
succeeded  in  reaching  India  by  the  way  of  the 
southwest,  had  not  his  last  voyage  been  interrupted 
by  the  severe  storms  which  he  encountered,  King 
Emmanuel  lost  no  time  in  preparing  another  expe¬ 
dition.  Americus  is  as  silent  as  usual  respecting 
the  commander  of  the  new  fleet;  but  though  he 
does  not  mention  his  name,  it  is  a  well-ascertained 
fact  that  Gonzalo  Coelho  held  the  chief  command 
of  the  six  vessels  which  composed  the  armament, 
and  that  only  one  of  them  was  commanded  by  him¬ 
self.  This  fleet  was  ready  for  sea  early  in  the 
spring  of  1503,  and  the  principal  object  of  the  voy¬ 
age  was  to  discover  the  island  Malacca,  then  sup¬ 
posed  to  be  the  centre  of  commerce  in  the  East  In- 

1  Carey’s  Dante,  Purgatory,  Canto  xxvi. 


CHAPTER 

XV. 


I 


* 

t 


o  o 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XV. 


dies.  The  narration  of  this  voyage  occupies  the 
closing  portion  of  the  letter  of  Americus  to  Soderini. 
Disgusted  with  the  foolish  obstinacy  of  his  com¬ 
mander,  and  discouraged  by  the  effects  of  his  wil¬ 
fulness,  he  evidently  wishes  to  escape  from  so  dis¬ 
agreeable  a  subject,  and  is  more  than  usually 


concise. 


CONCLUSION 

OF  THE  LETTER  TO  PIERO  SODERINI,  GIVING  AN  ACCOUNT 
OF  THE  FOURTH  VOYAGE  OF  AMERICUS. 

It  remains  for  me  to  relate  the  things  which 
were  seen  by  me,  in  my  Fourth  Voyage  ;  and  by 
reason  that  I  have  now  become  wearied,  and  also 
because  this  voyage  did  not  result  according  to  my 
wishes  (in  consequence  of  a  misfortune  which  hap¬ 
pened  in  the  Atlantic  Sea,  as  your  Excellency  will 
shortly  understand),  I  shall  endeavour  to  be  brief. 
Departure  We  set  sail  from  this  port  of  Lisbon,  six  ships  in 
six  ships  in  company,  lor  the  purpose  ol  making  discoveries 
_  jmpany.  regarq  an  island  in  the  East,  called  Malac¬ 

ca,  which  is  reported  to  be  very  rich.1  It  is,  as  it 
were,  the  warehouse  of  all  the  ships  which  come 


lu  All  this  period,”  says  Cano-  tor,  are  there  read  thirty-three, 
vai,  “  is  strangely  disfigured  in  the  From  this  may  be  inferred  the 
edition  of  Valori.  Instead  of  East,  credit  to  which  this  edition  is  en- 
West  is  written;  the  Arctic  pole  titled,  if  there  was  a  shadow  of 
is  changed  to  the  Antarctic,  and  criticism  in  those  who  regard  it  as 
the  three  degrees  by  which  Ma-  infallible.” — Canovai,  tom.  ii.  p„ 
lacca  is  separated  from  the  equa-  26. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


239 


h*om  the  Sea  of  Ganges  and  the  Indian  Ocean,  as  chapter 
Cadiz  is  the  storehouse  for  ail  the  ships  that  pass  — — — 
from  East  to  West  and  from  West  to  East,  by  the 
way  of  Calcutta.  This  Malacca  is  farther  east, 
and  much  farther  south,  than  Calcutta,  because  we 
know  that  it  is  situated  at  the  parallel  of  three  de¬ 
grees  north  latitude.  We  set  out  on  the  tenth  day 
of  May,  1503,  and  sailed  direct  for  the  Cape  Verd 
Islands,  where  we  made  up  our  cargo,  taking  in 
every  kind  of  refreshment.  After  remaining  here 
three  days,  we  departed  on  our  voyage,  sailing  in 
a  southerly  direction. 

Our  Superior  Captain  was  a  presumptuous  and  Obstinacy 

r  , .  ,  ,  1  !  .  .  of  the  corn- 

very  oostmate  man  :  he  would  insist  upon  goiiiff  to  mender  and 

.  lot?  loss  0f  part 

reconnoitre  Sierra  Leone,  a  southern  country  of  ofthe  fleet. 
Ethiopia,  without  there  being  any  necessity  for  it, 
unless  to  exhibit  himself  as  the  captain  of  six  ves¬ 
sels.  He  acted  contrary  to  the  wish  of  all  our 
other  captains  in  pursuing  this  course.  Sailing  in 
this  direction,  when  we  arrived  off  the  coast  of  this 
country,  we  had  such  bad  weather,  that  though  we 
remained  in  sight  of  the  coast  four  days,  it  did  not 
permit  us  to  attempt  a  landing.  We  were  com¬ 
pelled  at  length  to  leave  the  country,  sailing  from  * 
there  to  the  south,  and  bearing  southwest. 

When  we  had  sailed  three  hundred  leagues 
through  the  Great  Sea,  being  then  three  degrees 
south  of  the  equinoctial  line,  land  was  discovered, 
which  might  have  been  about  twenty-two  leagues 
distant  from  us,  and  which  we  found  to  be  an  island 
in  the  midst  of  the  sea.  We  were  filled  with  won- 


240 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XV. 


tier  at  beholding  it, .considering  it  a  natural  curiosity, 
as  it  was  very  high,  and  not  more  than  two  leagues 
in  length  and  one  in  width.  This  island  was  no 
inhabited  by  any  people,  and  was  an  evil  island  for 
the  whole  fleet ;  because,  as  your  Excellency  will 
learn,  by  the  evil  counsel  and  bad  management  of 
our  Superior  Captain,  he  lost  his  ship  here.  He 
ran  her  upon  a  rock,  and  she  split  open  and  went 
to  the  bottom,  on  the  night  of  St.  Lorenzo,  which  is 
the  tenth  of  August,  and  nothing  was  saved  from 
her  except  the  crew.  She  was  a  ship  of  three 
hundred  tons,  and  carried  every  thing  of  most  im¬ 
portance  in  the  fleet. 

As  the  whole  fleet  was  compelled  to  labour  for 
the  common  benefit,  the  Captain  ordered  me  to  go 
with  my  ship  to  the  aforesaid  island,  and  look  for  a 
good  harbour,  where  all  the  ships  might  anchor. 
As  my  boat,  filled  with  nine  of  my  mariners, 
was  of  service,  and  helped  to  keep  up  a  communi¬ 
cation  between  the  ships,  he  did  not  wish  me  to 
take  it,  telling  me  they  would  bring  it  to  me  at  the 
island.  So  I  left  the  fleet,  as  he  ordered  me,  with¬ 
out  a  boat,  and  with  less  than  half  my  men,  and 
went  to  the  said  island,  about  four  leagues  distant. 
There  I  found  a  very  good  harbour,  where  all  the 
ships  might  have  anchored  in  perfect  safety,  i 
waited  for  the  captain  and  the  fleet  full  eight  days, 
but  they  never  came ;  so  that  we  were  very  much 
dissatisfied,  and  the  people  who  remained  with  me 
in  the  ship  were  in  such  great  fear,  that  I  could  not 
console  them.  On  the  eighth  day  we  saw  a  ship 


4 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


241 


coming  off  at  sea,  and  for  fear  those  on  hoard  might 
not  see  us,  we  raised  anchor  and  went  towards  it, 
thinking  they  might  bring  me  my  boat  and  men. 
When  we  arrived  alongside,  after  the  usual  saluta¬ 
tions,  they  told  us  that  the  Captain  had  gone  to  the 
bottom,  that  the  crew  had  been  saved,  and  that  my 
boat  and  men  remained  with  the  fleet,  which  had 
gone  further  to  sea.  This  was  a  very  serious  griev¬ 
ance  to  us,  as  your  Excellency  may  well  think.  It 
was  no  trifle  to  find  ourselves  a  hundred  leagues 

o 

distant  from  Lisbon,  in  mid-ocean,  with  so  few  men. 

However,  we  bore  up  under  adverse  fortune,  and 
returning  to  the  island,  supplied  ourselves  with 
wood  and  water  with  the  boat  of  my  consort.  This 
island  we  found  uninhabited.  It  had  plenty  of 
fresh  water,  and  an  abundance  of  trees  filled  with 
countless  numbers  of  land  and  marine  birds,  which 
were  so  simple,  that  they  suffered  themselves  to  be 
taken  with  the  hand.  We  took  so  many  of  them 
that  we  loaded  a  boat  with  them.  We  saw  no- 
other  animals,  except  some  very  large  rats,  and  liz¬ 
ards  with  two  tails,  and  some  snakes. 

Having  taken  in  our  supplies,  we  departed  for 
the  southwest,  as  we  had  an  order  from  the  king, 
that  if  any  vessel  of  the  fleet,  or  its  captain,  should 


age.  We  discovered  a  harbour  which  we  called  the 
Bay  of  All  Saints,  and  it  pleased  God  to  give  us 
such  good  weather,  that  in  seventeen  days  we  ar¬ 
rived  at  it,1  If  was  distant  three  hundred  leagues 

1  This  bay  still  retains  the  name  given  to  it  by  Americus. 

31 


CHAPTER 

XV 


my. 


Arrival  at 
the  Bay  of 
All  Saints. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


242 

chapter  from  the  island  we  had  left,  and  we  found  neither 
— xv^ —  our  captain  nor  any  other  ship  of  the  fleet  in  the 
course  of  the  voyage.  We  waited  full  two  months 
and  four  days  in  this  harbour,  and  seeing  that  no 
orders  came  for  us,  we  agreed,  my  consort  and  my¬ 
self,  to  run  along  the  coast. 

Build  a  for-  We  sailed  two  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  further, 
mainTaid6  and  arrived  at  a  harbour  where  we  determined  to 
build  a  fortress.  This  we  accomplished,  and  left  in 
it  the  twenty-four  men  that  my  consort  had  received 
from  the  captain’s  ship  which  was  lost. 

In  this  port  we  staid  five  months,  building  the 
fortress  and  loading  our  ships  with  dye-wood.  IVe 
could  not  proceed  farther  for  want  of  men,  and  be¬ 
sides,  I  was  destitute  of  many  equipments.  Thus, 
having  finished  our  labours,  we  determined  to  re¬ 
turn  to  Portugal,  leaving  the  twenty-four  men  in  the 
fortress,  with  provisions  for  six  months,  with  twelve 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  many  other  arms.  -We  made 
peace  with  all  the  people  of  the  country,  who  have 
not  been  mentioned  in  this  voyage,  but  not  because 
we  did  not  see  and  treat  with  a  great  number  of 
them.  As  many  as  thirty  men  of  us  went  forty 
leagues  inland,  where  we  saw  so  many  things,  that 
I  omit  to  relate  them,  reserving  them  for  my  “  Four 


Return  to 
Lisbon  June 
18th,  1504. 


Journeys.” 

This  country  is  situated  eighteen  degrees  south 
of  the  equinoctial  line,  and  fifty-seven  degrees  far¬ 
ther  west  than  Lisbon,  as  our  instruments  showed 
us.  All  this  being  performed,  we  bid  farewell  to 
the  Christians  we  left  behind  us,  and  to  the  ( oun- 


243 


¥ 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


try,  and  commenced  our  navigation  on  a  north-north¬ 
east  course,  with  the  intention  of  sailing  directly  to 
this  city  of  Lisbon.  In  seventy-seven  days,  after 
many  toils  and  dangers,  we  entered  this  port  on  the 
eighteenth  day  of  June,  1504,  for  which  God  be 
praised.  We  were  well  received,  although  alto¬ 
gether  unexpected,  as  the  whole  city  had  given  us 
up  for  lost.  All  the  other  ships  of  the  fleet  had 
been  lost  through  the  pride  and  folly  of  our  com¬ 
mander,  and  thus  it  is  that  God  rewards  haiiffhti- 


ness  and  vanity. 

At  present  I  find  myself  here  in  Lisbon  again,  and 
I  do  not  know  what  the  king  will  wish  me  to  do, 
but  I  am  very  desirous  of  obtaining  repose.  The 
bearer  of  this,  who  is  Benvenuto  di  Domenico  Ben- 


venuti,  will  tell  your  Excellency  of  my  condition, 
and  of  any  other  things  which  have  been  omitted  to 


avoid  prolixity,  but  which  I  have  seen  and  expe¬ 
rienced.  •  I  have  abbreviated  the  letter  as  much  as 
I  could,  and  omitted  to  say  many  things  very  natu¬ 
ral  to  be  told,  that  I  might  not  be  tedious.  Your 
Excellency  will  pardon  me,  as  X  beg  you  will  con¬ 
sider  me  of  the  number  of  vour  servants.  Allow 
me  to  commend  to  you  Sr.  Antonio  Vespucci,  my 
brother,  and  all  my  family.  I  remain,  praying  God 
that  he  may  prolong  your  life,  and  prosper  that  ex¬ 
alted  republic  of  Florence,  and  the  honour  of  vour 

«/ 

Excellency, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

Americus  Vespucius. 

Dated  in  Lisbon ,  the  \thof  September ,  1504. 


v 


CHAPTER 

XV. 


244 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTE 

XV. 


Thus  ended  the  last  voyage  of  Americus.  Devsi- 
rous  of  repose,  and  perhaps  somewhat  disheartened 
by  its  unfortunate  result,  he  abandoned,  for  the  pres¬ 
et,  all  ideas  of  again  proceeding  to  sea,  and  devo¬ 
ted  himself  to  the  task  of  writing  full  accounts  of 
his  discoveries.  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that 
the  works  to  which  he  makes  allusion,  have  not 
been  preserved  for  the  benefit  of  the  world,  for  it  is 
evident,  by  the  way  in  which  he  speaks  of  them, 
that  they  contained  more  ample  accounts  than  the 
letters.  The  spirit  of  research  may  yet  lead  some 
industrious  antiquarian  to  the  discovery  of  those 
documents,  the  loss  of  which  are  most  to  be  de¬ 
plored,  his  manuscript  journals.  There  are  yet  un¬ 
explored,  large  quantities  of  documents,  and  records 
relating  to  the  discovery  of  America,  and  each  day 
brings  to  light  some  new  fact  to  illustrate  the  his¬ 
tory  of  that  great  event. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Return  of  Americus  to  Spain,  1504. — At  Court,  February,  1505. — 
Columbus. — III  Treatment  of  him. — Death  of  Queen  Isabella. — Ef¬ 
fect  on  the  Fortunes  of  Americus. — Royal  Grants  to  him. — New 
Expedition. — Vicente  Yanes  Pinzon. — The  Name  of  America. — 
False  Assertion  and  Deduction. — Reasons  why  the  Name  was  first 
given. — llacomilo’s  Cosmography. — First  Use  of  the  Name. — Ex¬ 
tracts  from  an  able  Article  in  the  N.  A.  Review. — Canovai’s  Opinion. 

Americus  remained  in  Portugal  but  a  short 
time  after  his  unexpected  return  from  his  fourth 
voyage.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1504,  lie 
returned  to  Seville,  and  in  February,  1505,  lie  left 
that  city,  on  his  way  to  the  court,  which  was 
then  held  at  Segovia,  bearing  the  letter  from  Co¬ 
lumbus  to  his  son,  which  appears  in  a  previous 
chapter.  The  Admiral  had  arrived  from  his  last 
voyage,  only  a  few  months  previously.  Worn 
down  by  neglect  and  the  infirmities  of  age,  it  was 
difficult  to  imagine  him  the  same  man,  who  was 
once  treated  with  such  high  honour  by  monarchs 
and  nobles.  He  afforded  a  melancholy  proof  of 
the  ingratitude  of  kings,  and  was  then  pleading 
for  rights,  of  which  he  had  been  iniquitously 
deprived,  like  a  criminal  before  his  judge — his 
claims  treated  with  indifference — while  the  in¬ 
trigues  of  his  foes  led  every  day  to  fresh  inju- 


CHAPTER 

XVI. 


nes. 


246 

CilAl'TEU 

XVI. 


Death  of 
Queen  Isa¬ 
bella. 


Influence  of 
the  queen’s 
death  on  the 
fortunes  of 
Americus. 


ft 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

The  death  of  Ins  ever-kind  protectress,  the 
Queen  Isabella,  which  took  place  a  few  days 
after  his  own  arrival,  was  a  severe  blow  to  the 
Admiral,  and  completed  the  long  list  of  disasters 
which  had  befallen  him  in  his  old  age.  While 
she  lived,  some  hope  of  obtaining  justice  seemed 
left  to  him;  but  his  cause,  which  had  languish¬ 
ed  during  her  illness,  became  hopeless  when 
she  was  no  more.  Still  Americus,  animated  by 
warm  feelings  of  respect  and  admiration  for  the 
great  discoverer,  zealously  offered  to  render  him 
all  the  assistance  in  his  power  at  court,  and  the 
proposal  was  as  frankly  accepted  as  it  was  freely 
made.1 

Whether  the  death  of  the  queen  had  any  effect, 
upon  the  fortunes  of  Americus,  there  are  no  means 
of  determining.  It  would  appear  that  it  had  a 
favourable  influence,  if  the  opinion  of  his  Italian 
biographers  is  followed,  who  hold  to  the  suppo¬ 
sition  that  Americus  was  more  of  a  favourite  with 
the  king,  than  with  his  consort.  His  return,  so 
closely  succeeding  the  death  of  Isabella,  lends  a 
semblance  of  plausibility  to  their  views ;  and  the 
favour  which  was  shown  him  at  court  is  another 
circumstance  tending  to  corroborate  them.2 

Navarre te  inclines  to  the  opinion,  that  Americus 
was  sent  for  by  King  Ferdinand,  in  order  that  he 
might  obtain  information  from  him  of  the  plans 
and  projects  of  the  Portuguese  government,  as 
well  in  relation  to  their  expeditions  to  the  shores 

1  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  856,  857.  2  Canovai,  tom.  ii.  p*  48—50. 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


247 


of  the  New  World,  as  to  the  progress  they  were  chapter 

making  in  their  voyages  and  establishments  in  the - 

East  Indies.1  So  far  from  noticing  with  displeasure 
his  clandestine  departure  from  Spain,  on  the  11th 
day  of  April,  1505,  the  kin  g  made  him  a  grant  of 
12,000  maravedis ;  and  on  the  24th  of  the  same 
month,  letters  of  naturalization  in  his  behalf  were 
issued,  m  consideration,  as  they  recite,  of  his  fideli¬ 
ty  and  many  valuable  services  to  the  crown” 

Being  thus  qualified  to  serve  the  king  in  the  Prepara¬ 
tions  for  a 

capacity  of  a  commander,  preparations  were  com-  new  expedi- 
menced,  by  the  orders  of  government,  for  a  new  Americas 

5  J  °  #  and  rinzon. 

expedition.  Americus  and  Vicente  Ya  ez  Pin- 
zon  were  named  the  commanders.  The  spirit 
of  discovery  was  aroused  again  in  the  mind  of 
Americus,  and  he  set  out  for  the  ports  oi  Palos  and 
Mourner,  where  he  remained  through  the  month  ol 
May,  to  see  and  consult  with  his  colleague,  in 
relation  to  the  necessary  wants  of  the  expedition. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  representations  of 
Americus  alone  led  to  this  new  enterprise,  and 
Pinzon  was  the  most  proper  person  to  associate 
with  him  in  the  undertaking ;  for  he  had  already 
been  upon  the  coast  of  Brazil,  which  was  the 
destination  of  the  fleet.3  In  lact,  all  the  claims 
of  Spain  to  any  part  of  that  region  rested  upon  a 
previous  voyage  of  Pinzon,  who,  in  1500,  had 
taken  possession  of  the  more  northern  part,  in 
the  name  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns. 

1  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  320.  merits.  Translation  of  Documents 

2  See  Illustrations  and  Docu-  from  Navarrete. 

3  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  321. 


t 


248 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XVI. 


The  name  of 
America 
and  its  ori¬ 
gin. 


It  was  about  this  time  that  the  name  of  America 
began  to  be  first  used,  and  was  applied  to  the 
countries  which  Americus  visited  in  his  last  voy- 
ages.  The  assertion  has  been  made,  that  soon 
after  his  return  to  Spain  he  prepared  a  chart, 
in  which  the  coast  of  Brazil  was  delineated  and 
called  by  the  name  of  America ;  but  it  is  unsup¬ 
ported  by  any  verifying  evidence  or  authority.  If 
he  had  done  this,  however,  it  would  be  no  suf¬ 
ficient  reason  to  justify  his  calumniators  in  their 
charges  against  him  of  dishonourable  treatment 


of  Columbus.  It  was  a  custom  then,  and  has 
continued  a  custom  ever  since,  for  discoverers  to 
call  after  themselves  some  prominent  place,  river, 
or  mountain,  fallen  in  with  in  the  course  of  their 
explorations.  Americus  never  could  have  im¬ 
agined  the  extended  signification  which  the  name 
was  afterwards  destined  to  attain,  and  the  in¬ 
justice  of  those  who,  as  has  been  remarked  in 

a  previous  chapter,  attribute  to  him  the  crime  of 

# 

falsifying  the  date  of  his  first  voyage,  with  this 
end  in  view,  is  apparent  to  any  one  who  is  not 
ignorant  of  the  limited  application  of  the  name  in 
the  first  instance.1 

“  We  may  conjecture,”  says  the  writer  of  an 
able  critical  article  in  the  North  American  Re¬ 
view  for  April,  1821,  which  has  afforded  great 
assistance  in  the  preparation  of  this  work,  by 
its  valuable  suggestions  and  references,  “  we  may 
conjecture,  with  a  great  degree  of  certainty,  that 


1  N.  A.  Review,  April,  1821,  p.  339. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


249 


on  Vespucci’s  return  from  his  last  voyage,  the  chapter 

"WI 

coast  which  he  had  visited  began  to  pass  by  his 
name.  Two  reasons  may  be  given  why  this  hon¬ 
our  should  have  been  conferred  on  him,  rather 
than  on  his  superior  officers.  One  reason  is,  that, 
although  he  was  not  first  in  command,  yet  his  pre¬ 
eminence  in  nautical  and  geographical  knowledge 
gave  him  that  control  over  the  proceedings  of  the 
rest,  which  men  of  strong  minds  inevitably  ac¬ 
quire  in  moments  of  difficulty  and  danger.  In¬ 
deed,  we  find  that  he  came  back  from  his  fourth 
voyage,  when  Coellio,  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
squadron,  had  perished,  and  when  he  himself  was 
no  longer  expected ;  in  which  circumstances  it 
would  be  perfectly  natural  for  the  Portuguese  to 


attribute  to  him  the  sole  merit  of  the  discovery 
of  Brazil.  The  second  reason  is,  that,  as  Vespucci 
was  highly  skilled  in  the  construction  of  charts, 
and  as  those  which  he  made  were  held  in  great 
esteem,  he  may,  in  depicting  the  coast  of  Brazil, 
have  given  it  the  name  of  America.  1 


Tlie  first  suggestion  of  the  name  which  appears 
in  print  was  probably  contained  in  the  Latin  work 
on  Cosmography,  by  Ilacomilo,  being  the  edition  of 
Gruniger,  printed  in  Strasburg  in  1509,  from  which 
Navarrete  makes  his  translation  of  the  letter  to  So- 
derini.  Navarrete  says,  that  “  in  the  ninth  chapter 


First  sug¬ 
gestion  of 
the  name  of 
America. 


1  “  P.  Martyr  informs  us  lie  had  Ocean.  Decacl.  p.  199.  See  like- 
seen  a  Portuguese  chart  of  parts  wise  Mcmorias  dc  Litteratura 
of  the  New  World  in  the  construe-  Portugueza ,  tom.  iii.  p.  339. 
tionof  which  Vespucci  assisted.” — 


32 


250 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XVI. 


of  this  work,  the  author,  after  describing  the  situa¬ 
tion  of  the  different  portions  of  the  world,  places 
first  the  three  which  were  known  to  Ptolomey,  and 
proceeds  with  the  following  suggestion,  alluding  to 
the  voyages  printed  as  a  continuation  of  his  cos¬ 
mography.  “  Nunc  vero  et  hae  partes  sunt  latius 
lustratse,  et  alia  quarta  pars,  per  Americum  Vespu- 
tium,  ut  in  sequentibus  audietur,  inventa  est ;  quam 
non  video  cur  quis  jure  vetet  ab  Americo  inventore, 
sagacis  ingenii  viro,  Amerigem  quasi  Americi  ter¬ 
rain  sive  Americam  dicendam,  cum  et  Europa  et 
Asia  a  mulieribus  sua  sortitae  sint  nomina.” 

This  passage  is  not  the  only  one  in  the  work 
which  suggests  the  same  thing.  In  the  seventh 
chapter,  which  treats  of  the  different  climates  of  the 
world,  the  author  speaks  of  “  the  fourth  part  of  the 
world,  which  may  be  called  Amerige  or  America, 
because  discovered  by  Americus.”1 2 

The  article  above  quoted  says  that  “  the  earliest 
mention  which  the  industry  of  authors  has  been  able 
to  detect,  of  the  word  America,  is  about  the  year 
1514,  in  a  letter  written  by  Joachim  Vadianus,  a 
Swiss  scholar,  known  by  his  Commentary  on  Fom- 
ponius  Mela.  His  words  are,  ■  Si  Americam,  a  Ves- 
puccio  repertam,  et  eum  Eoae  Terrse  partem,  quae 
teme  Ptolomaeo  cognitae  adjecta  est,  ad  longitudinis 
habitatae  rationem  referrimus,  longe  ultra  hemisphae- 
rium  habitari  terram  constat.7  772 

1  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  184.  ponii  Melae  de  situ  orbis,  ed.  fol. 

2  “  Joachim.  Yadian.  Epist.  ad  1530.  Latet  Parisiorum,  in  the 
Rudol.  Agrioolam,  ad  calcem  Pom-  Boston  Atheneum.” 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


251 


The  name  does  not  seem  to  have  come  into  sren- 

n 

eral  use  until  after  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen¬ 
tury  ;  but  it  is  occasionally  met  with  before  that 
time  ;  and  Canovai  cites  a  treatise  on  the  elements 
of  Geography,  printed  at  Venice  in  1535,  in  which 
it  is  doubted  whether  the  word  America  should  be 
employed,  or  not  rather  Amerige.1  But  what  de¬ 
serves  to  be  particularly  noticed  is  the  remarkable 
fact,  that  the  name  was  not  originally  applied  to 
the  whole  continent,  but  only  to  that  part  of  it 
which  is  now  denominated  Brazil.  This  can  be 
made  to  appear  by  the  most  ample  testimony.  We 
pass  over  the  authority  of  Spaniards  who  once  pro¬ 
posed  to  call  this  country  Fer-Isabellica,  from  the 
sovereigns  under  whose  auspices  it  was  discovered, 
and  who,  to  this  day,  entertain  a  sort  of  horror  of 
the  word  America,  almost  invariably  speaking  of 
the  New  World  or  the  Indies.2  Looking  therefore 
into  Cademosto,  P.  Martyr,  Benzoni,  and  Grinams, 
we  find  that  each  of  them  uses  the  term  Novus  Or- 
bis,  where  we  should  use  America.  In  most  of  the 
maps  published  between  1510  and  1570  America 
is  applied  in  the  limited  sense  we  have  stated. 
Thus  Munster,  whose  Cosmographia,  printed  in 
1550,  was  long  a  text-book  in  Geography,  has  a 
map  of  the  world,  in  which,  towards  the  west  of 
Europe,  appear  Terra  Florida,  then,  a  little  below, 

1  Canovai,  Diss.  Gius.  No.  51.  as  a  compliment  to  the  Emperor 

2  “  Pizarro,  V arones  Illustres  del  Charles  V — See  Solorzano ,  Po- ' 
Nuevo  Mundo,  p.  51.  Others  have  litica  Indiana ,  L.  i.  C.  ii.  S.  18. 
proposed  to  call  it  £)rbis  Carolinus, 


CHAPTER 

XVI. 


/ 


l 


252 

CHAPTER 

XVI. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

Cuba,  then  Hispaniola,  and  a  little  south  of  the 
line,  Americse  vel  Brasillii  Insula.  In  another  map 
of  Munster’s,  which  is  entitled  Novus  Orbis,  are 
found  grouped  together  Terra  Florida,  Cuba,  His¬ 
paniola,  Jamaica,  Parias,  and  lastly,  Insula  Atlan- 
tica,  quern  vocant  Brasilii  et  American!.1 

In  a  map  of  the  world,  prefixed  to  the  Grinaeus 
of  1555,  the  western  part  is  occupied  with  a  num¬ 
ber  of  islands,  which,  beginning  with  that  farthest 
north,  are  named  Terra  Cortesia,  Terra  de  Cuba, 
Isabella,  Spagnolla,  Insulae  Antigliae,  Zipangru, 
and  then  America,  an  island  considerably  larger 
than  either  of  the  others,  on  the  northern  extremi¬ 
ty  of  which  is  printed  Parias,  on  the  western,  Can- 
nibali,  and  on  the  southern,  Prisilia.  If  the  last- 
word,  Prisilia,  refers  to  Brazil,  it  would  seem  that 
some  geographers  had  begun  to  distinguish  it  as  a 
part  of  America.  The  same  edition  of  Grinaeus 
contains  a  brief  introduction  to  geography,  in  which 
occurs  the  following  sentence :  Insulas  occidentals, 
nempe  Hispanam,  Joannam,  Spagnollam,  Cubam, 
Isabellam,  Antiglias.  Cannibalorum  Terram,  Amer¬ 
ican!,  et  reliquas  incognitas  terras  primi  mortalium 
adinvenerunt  Christophorus  Columbus  et  Alberi- 
cus  Vesputius.2 

Similar  quotations  can  easily  be  multiplied. 
Thus  Comes  Natalis,  who  flourished  about  1680, 

1  Canovai,  Diss.  Gius.  n.  7 G.  one  made  use  of  is  the  edition  of 

2  Novus  orbis  Regionum  ac  In-  1555,  printed  at  Basle  by  Herva- 
sularum  veterribus  incognitarum,  gius.  A  copy  is  to  be  found  in 
fob  The  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  Library  of  the  New  York 
printed  in  3  532,  is  very  rare.  The  Historical  Society. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


253 


speaking  of  the  famous  expedition  of  the  Hugue¬ 
nots  under  Villegagnon,  says,  that  the  French  call¬ 
ed  Brazil  America,  because  it  was  discovered  by 
Amerigo  Vespucci.1  Jean  de  Lery,  a  Huguenot 
minister,  wdio  visited  Villegagnon’s  settlement  in 
1550,  and  twenty  years  afterwards  published  a 
very  amusing  account  of  his  voyage,  entitles  it  a 
history  of  a  voyage  to  Brazil,  which  is  also  called 
America.2 

The  present  use  of  the  term  seems  to  have  been 
established  soon  after  this  time :  for  Ortelius,  in  his 
Theartuin  Orbis  Terrarum,  applies  the  words  Amer¬ 
ica  and  Bresilia  as  we  do  now,  and  delineates  the 
geography  of  this  continent  with  tolerable  accura¬ 
cy.3  But  the  original  signification  was  not  imme¬ 
diately  forgotten,  as  we  perceive  in  Gaspar  EnsPs 
History  of  the  West  Indies,  where  he  says  that  the 
name  of  America  was  originally  given  to  the  coun¬ 
tries  explored  by  Vespucius,  although  afterwards, 
on  account  of  the  dye-wood  found  there,  common 
usage  superadded  the  name  of  Brazil.4  We  will 
only  add  to  these  citations  the  authority  of  Rocha 
Pitta  and  Barbosa,  who,  in  noticing  Pedro  Alvarez 
Cabral,  remark  that  the  name  of  Santa  Cruz, 


1  “  Comes  Natalis.  Hist.  S. 
Temp.  p.  139,  as  quoted  by  Can- 
ovai,  Hiss.  Gius.  n.  75.  See  also 
Southey’s  Brazil,  vol.  i.  p.  272, 
note.” 

2  “  Historia  navigations  in  Bra¬ 

zilian!,  quas  et  America  dicitur 
de  a  Joanne  Lerio,  Burgundo, 

Gallice  Scripta,  nunc  vero  primum 


Latinitate  donata,”  &c.  1558, 
12mo. 

3  “  Theatrum  orbis  terrarum,  fol. 
Antuerpiae  1584.  Apud  Christo¬ 
pher.  Plautinum.” 

4  “  Gaspar  Ensl,  Indiae  Occiden¬ 
tals  Historia,  Coloniae  1612, 12mo. 
p.  130.” 


CHAPTER 

XVI. 


Period 
when  the 
name  of 
America 
was  first 
used  in  its 
present  sig¬ 
nification. 


254 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


chapter  which  Cabral  gave  the  country  he  accidentally  dis- 

XVI  v 

— — —  covered,  was  afterwards  changed  into  America,  on 
account  of  the  charts  of  it  delineated  by  Vespucci, 
and  finally  into  Brazil,  from  its  producing  the  Bra¬ 
zil  wood.”1 

The  opinion  Canovai  is  of  opinion,  that  the  name  originated 
incorrect,  from  the  royal  letters-patent  which  were  issued 
by  the  king  when  Americus  was  appointed  to  the 
office  of  chief  pilot,  through  which  it  came  into 
general  use  in  Europe,  as  it  were  under  the  sanc¬ 
tion  of  royal  authority.  That  the  appointment  of 
Americus  to  this  office  aided  in  fixing  the  name 
permanently  upon  Brazil,  may  have  been  the 
case ;  but  it  is  apparent,  from  the  statements 
above,  that  the  Italian  biographer  is  partially  in 
error  in  his  idea,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the 
Spanish  king  to  confer  the  name  as  a  mark  of 
honour,  and  that  the  world  acquiesced  in  the  de¬ 
cision,  considering  it  a  just  reward  of  the  ser¬ 
vices  of  the  discoverer.2  In  his  desire  to  defend 
his  countryman  from  the  attacks  of  those  who 
accuse  him  of  artifice  and  fraud,  in  endeavouring 
to  secure  an  eternal  remembrance  of  his  name,  by 


1  “  ‘  Para  eterno  monumento  da 
sua  piedade,  intitulou  Pedro  Al¬ 
varez  a  nova  terra  com  a  religi- 
osa  antonomasia  de  S.  Cruz,  que 
depois  se  mudou  em  America, 
por  ter  demarcado  as  terras  e  cos¬ 
tas  maritimas  della  Amerigo  Ves¬ 
pucci,  insigne  cosmographo,  e  ul- 
timamente  Brazil, pela  producao  da 
Madeira,  que  tern  cor  de  brazas. 
— Barbosa ,  Bibliotheca  Lusitana , 


tom.  iii.  p.  554.  Rocha  Pitta  is 
no  less  explicit :  ‘  Este  foy,’  says 
he,  *  a  primiero  descobrimento,  este 
o  primiero  nome  desta  regio,  que 
depois  esquecida  de  titulo  tao  su¬ 
perior,  se  chamou  America,  por 
Americo  Vespucio,  e  ultimamente 
Brazil,  pelo  pao  vermelho,  ou  cor 
de  brazas,  que  produz. — Hist da 
America  Portugueza ,  p.  6.” 

2  Diss,  Gius.  No.  78. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


255 


making  it  the  distinctive  appellation  of  the  New 
World.  Canovai  here  goes  to  the  opposite  ex¬ 
treme.  “  If  Vespucci's  priority,  in  discovering  the 
southern  continent,'’  says  the  article  above  quoted, 
11  was  a  valid  reason  for  naming  it  America,  there 
is  equal  reason,  as  Purchas  observes,  for  denomina¬ 
ting  the  northern  Sebastiana,  or  Cabotia ;  since  it  is 
notorious  that  the  Cabots  explored  the  coast  from 
Labrador  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  a  full  year  before 
any  portion  of  the  continent  was  ever  seen  by 
Columbus.  But  the  hand  of  chance  has  an  influ¬ 
ence  so  predominant  in  the  assignment  of  honours 
by  the  world,  that  we  can  hardly  feel  surprised  at 
the  neglect  of  Columbus  and  the  Cabots,  to  the 
exclusive  distinction  of  Vespucci.  The  fortune  of 
the  name  of  America  itself  is  not  a  little  singular, 
as  an  instance  of  the  mutations  of  human  affairs ; 
which,  having  been  first  given  to  a  single  province, 
next  spread  over  the  whole  southern  continent, 
then  passed  on  to  the  northern,  and  now,  from 
being  the  appellation  of  the  whole  New  World,  it 
seems  about  to  be  confined  by  foreign  nations  at 
least  to  our  own  youthful  and  aspiring  republic.”1 


CHAPTER. 

XVI. 


1  N.  A.  Review,  April,  1821,  p.  339,  340, 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


CHAPTER 

XVII. 


The  new 
Expedition. 


Difficulties  of  the  New  Expedition. — Perplexity  of  the  Officials  of  the 
Board  of  Trade. — Accession  of  Philip  and  Joanna. — Disagreements 
between  Philip  and  Ferdinand. — The  Board  of  Trade  send  Amer- 
icus  to  Court. — Their  Instructions  to  him. — Death  of  King  Philip. 
— Complaints  of  the  Portuguese  Court. — The  Voyage  given  up. — 
Ultimate  Fate  of  the  Vessels  composing  this  Fleet. — Great  Expense 
occasioned  by  it. — Absence  of  King  Ferdinand,  and  his  Return. — 
Amerieus  ordered  to  Court. — His  Occupation  there. — Appointed 
Chief  Pilot. — His  Death,  February  22d,  1512. 


The  new  expedition  which  was  in  preparation 
for  Amerieus  and  Pinzon  was  the  occasion  of 
much  perplexity  to  the  officers  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  and  for  this  reason :  by  the  last  testament 
of  Queen  Isabella,  her  consort,  King  Ferdinand,  was 
appointed  Regent  of  Castile  during  the  minority  of 
her  grandson  Charles,  in  case  of  the  absence  or  in- 
capacity  of  her  daughter  Joanna,  who  had  given  oc¬ 
casional  evidence  of  insanity,  during  the  lifetime  of 
her  mother.  This  princess  was,  at  the  time  of  the 
death  of  the  queen,  with  her  husband,  the  Arch¬ 
duke  Philip,  in  Flanders.  King  Ferdinand  at  once 
proclaimed  his  daughter  queen,  and  assumed  the 
regency,  but  from  the  outset  was  unpopular  with 
the  nobles  and  people,  and  at  length,  on  the  arrival 
of  Philip  and  Joanna  in  Spain,  was  compelled  to 


e  saw  a  woman  coming  from  the  mountain,  carrying  a  large  club  in  her  hand  ;  when  she  arrived,  she  came  up  behind  him,  and 
raising  the  bludgeon,  gave  him  such  a  blow  with  it,  that  she  laid  him  dead  on  the  spot  (See  Page  227  ) 


t 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


25  7 


resign  his  power  in  Castile  and  retire  to  his  own  chapter 

kingdom  of  Arragon.  - 

From  the  moment  of  the  accession  of  Philip  to  Accession  of 

Philip  and 

the  throne,  as  the  consort  of  Joanna,  an  entire  Joanna  to 

'  the  Spanisli 

change  took  place  in  all  the  departments  of  govern-  throne- 
ment.  Almost  all  the  old  officers  of  state  were  dis¬ 
missed,  and  new  men  appointed  in  their  places. 

The  disagreement  between  the  two  kings  placed 
those  of  the  old  administration,  who  still  retained 
their  posts,  among  whom  were  the  offices  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  in  a  very  disagreeable  position. 

They  did  not  know  how  to  conduct  themselves, 
and,  fearful  of  offending  either  monarch,  hesitated 
whether  to  proceed  with  the  preparations  for  the 
armament,  or  to  give  it  up  altogether.1 

In  this  dilemma  they  wrote,  on  the  15th  of  Sep-  instructions 

of  the  Board 

tember,  1506,  about  six  weeks  after  the  accession  of  Trade  to 

11  ^  Araericus. 

of  King  Philip,  to  his  secretary,  Gaspar  de  Gricio, 
that  they  had  despatched  Americus  to  give  every 
information  to  the  king  respecting  the  state  of  the 
expedition  which  King  Ferdinand  had  ordered  to 
be  prepared.  They  also  informed  the  secretary, 
that  it  would  not  be  ready  to  sail  before  the  month 
of  February,  in  the  ensuing  year.  Americus  ac¬ 
cordingly  left  Seville  for  the  court,  which  was  then 
held  at  Burgos.  He  was  charged  with  three  letters 
by  the  Board  of  Trade :  one  for  the  king  himself, 
another  for  M.  de  Vila,  his-  grand  chamberlain,  to 
whom  he  had  entrusted  the  despatch  of  all  business 
connected  with  the  Indies,  and  a  third  to  the  Secre- 

1  Prescott’s  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  iii. 

33 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XVII. 


I 


tary  Gricio,  to  whom  they  had  previously  written. 
Besides  these  letters,  other  documents  were  placed 
in  his  hands.  These  were  live  memorials,  treating 
of  affairs  of  the  New  World,  prepared  in  order  that 
he  might  not  want  material  at  hand,  to  bring  about 
a  prompt  and  favourable  course  of  action  in  the 
matter.  The  Board  of  Trade  also  furnished  Amer- 
icus  with  written  instructions  as  to  his  mode  of 
procedure,  which  show7  the  unenviable  state  of  per¬ 
plexity  in  which  they  found  themselves.  “You 
will  take,”  say  they,  u  three  letters  for  the  king, 
M.  de  Vila,  and  the  Secretary  Gricio,  and  five 
memorials,  one  upon  the  despatch  of  the  armament, 
two  others  received  from  Hispaniola  concerning  the 
tower  which  King  Ferdinand  commanded  to  be  built 
on  the  Pearl  Coast,  and  the  remaining  twTo  upon  the 
caravels  which  are  on  service  in  Hispaniola,  and 
concerning  what  things  are  necessary  for  the  for¬ 
tress  which  is  building  there.  If  Gricio  is  at  court, 
and  attends  to  the  affairs  of  the  Indies,  give  him  the 
letter,  show  him  the  memorials,  and  he  will  guide 
you  to  the  ear  of  the  king,  and  obtain  for  you  good 
despatch.  We  are  informed  that  the  king  has  en¬ 
trusted  the  business  of  the  Indies  to  M.  de  Vila,  his 
grand  chamberlain.  If  that  is  the  case,  go  directly 
to  him.  What  w7e  principally  desire,  is  a  full  un¬ 
derstanding  of  the  agreement  which  has  been  en¬ 
tered  into  between  the  king,  our  lord,  (King  Philip), 
and  the  King  Ferdinand,  in  order  that  wTe  may  be 
able  to  give  to  each  prince  that  which  is  his.”1 


1  Navarrete,  tom.  ii. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


259 


The  perplexities  of  the  officials  were  not,  how¬ 
ever,  destined  to  end  as  soon  as  they  hoped.  Just 
ten  days  after  the  date  of  their  letter,  King  Philip 
suddenly  died  at  Burgos,  having  enjoyed  his  power 
only  for  two  short  months.  King  Ferdinand  was 
absent,  on  a  visit  to  his  Neapolitan  dominions,  and 
the  Queen  Joanna  remained  in  a  state  of  partial 
insanity,  which  rendered  her  incapable  of  attend¬ 
ing  to  public  affairs.  The  kingdom  was  thus 
trembling  on  the  verge  of  anarchy,  and  for  a  time, 
most  public  undertakings  were  suspended.  In 
addition  to  this  unexpected  death  of  the  king,  the 
distrust  and  complaints  of  the  King  of  Portugal, 
respecting  the  object  and  destination  of  the  expe¬ 
dition,  greatly  retarded  the  preparations  for  it,  and 
finally  were  the  means  of  breaking  it  up  altogether. 
Unwilling,  probably,  to  embroil  the  country  in  a 
quarrel  with  a  foreign  court,  while  in  such  a  dis¬ 
tracted  condition  at  home,  the  provisional  regency 
ordered  the  preparations  to  be  suspended,  and  that 
every  thing  which  had  been  bought  for  the  expe¬ 
dition  should  be  sold. 

The  ultimate  fate  of  the  ships  which  were  in¬ 
tended  for  this  fleet  is  recorded  by  Navarre te. 
It  was  composed  of  three  ships,  which  had  been 
brought  from  Biscay  for  the  purpose.  The  largest 
was  called  La  Magdelena,  and  was  to  have  been 
under  the  command  of  Pinzon ;  the  second  was  a 
vessel  of  somewhat  less  dimensions,  of  which 
Americus  was  to  have  had  the  control ;  and  the 
third,  a  caravel,  was  to  have  served  as  a  tender  to 


CHAPTER 

XVIf. 


Death  of 
Philip  and 
difficulties 
with  Portu¬ 
gal. 


Fate  of  the 
fleet,  when 
the  expedi¬ 
tion  was 
given  up. 


260 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XVII. 


Large  ex¬ 
penses  of 
this  expedi 
tion. 


the  other  two,  being  of  much  smaller  size.  The 
two  first  of  these  vessels  were  despatched  with 
cargoes  to  Hispaniola.  The  Magdelena  went 
under  the  command  of  Diego  Rodrigues  de  Gro- 
geda,  who  purchased  her  on  his  return.  The  one 
which  was  to  have  been  under  the  command  of 
Americas  carried  Juan  de  Subano  as  captain. 
Americas,  notwithstanding,  appears  to  have  had 
the  management  of  the  concerns  of  this  vessel,  as 
he  had  previously  attended  to  its  fitting  out.  The 
caravel  went  to  the  Canary  Islands,  and,  returning 
to  Seville  in  April,  1507,  was  employed  in  the 
voyage  of  discovery  which  Pinzon  and  Diaz  de 
Solis  subsequently  undertook. 

The  preparations  for  the  expedition,  which  was 
thus  broken  up,  occasioned  a  very  considerable 
outlay  of  capital.  Besides  the  large  amount  of 
upwards  of  five  millions  of  maravedis,  which  the 
settlement  of  the  accounts,  towards  the  close  of 
the  year  1507,  showed,  as  the  sum  of  the  expen¬ 
ses,  Americus,  with  his  title  of  captain,  received 
a  salary  of  thirty  thousand  maravedis  per  annum. 
It  appears,  from  the  documents  which  Navarrete 
has  extracted  from  the  archives  of  Seville,  that  his 
time  was  principally  passed,  until  the  close  of  that 
year,  in  making  all  the  purchases  of  provisions 
and  equipment  necessary  for  so  extensive  a  voy¬ 
age  as  that  in  contemplation,  and  his  disappoint¬ 
ment  must  have  been  great  indeed,  wdien  the  order 
arrived  at  Seville  countermanding  the  expedition.1 

1  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  322. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


261 


During  the  absence  of  King  Ferdinand,  on  his  chapter 

visit  to  his  Neapolitan  dominions,  there  was  a - 

manifest  slackening  of  the  spirit  of  discovery.  KmgFer- 

dinand. 

The  stirring  nature  of  the  events  which  were 
taking  place  at  home,  and  the  prospect  of  change, 
if  not  of  anarchy  and  civil  war,  gave  occupation 
to,  or  attracted  the  attention  of,  most  of  the  ad¬ 
venturers  and  restless  spirits  of  the  day.  But  as 
soon  as  the  king  found  himself  again  firmly  fixed 
in  power  in  Castile,  and  ruling  there  in  the  name 
of  his  daughter,  with  an  authority  much  more 
extensive  than  he  had  ever  enjoyed  during  the  life¬ 
time  of  Isabella,  he  recommenced  his  projects  of 
discovery  and  acquisition  in  the  New  World.  He 
enjoyed,  in  virtue  of  the  testament  of  Isabella,  a 
moiety  of  the  revenues  arising  from  the  countries 
already  occupied  in  the  West  Indies,  and  was 
fully  aroused  to  their  importance.  But  that  he 
was  not  actuated  solely  by  his  pecuniary  interest 
in  them,  is  evident  from  the  measures  he  took  to 
promote  further  discoveries,  and  the  colonization 
of  territories  already  acquired.1 

On  the  26th  of  November,  1507,  about  three  Americus 

ordered  to 

months  after  the  return  of  Ferdinand  to  Castile,  repair  to 

'  court. 

lie  issued  an  order,  commanding  Americus  and 
Juan  de  la  Cosa  to  proceed  immediately  to  court. 

Thither,  accordingly,  both  repaired,  and  were  soon 
engaged  in  active  consultation  with  the  king  and 
his  ministers,  respecting  the  nautical  affairs  of  the 
kingdom.  In  the  beginning  of  February  of  the 

1  Prescott’s  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  iii. 


262 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XVII. 


Americus 
appointed 
chief  pilot 
hy  the  King. 


next  year,  Americus,  in  connexion  with  Vicente 
Y a fiex  Pinzon  and  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  was 
charged  with  the  safe  conduct  to  the  treasury  of 
the  king  of  six  thousand  ducats  of  gold,  which 
had  just  then  arrived  from  the  Indies,  and  on  the 
14th  of  March,  1508,  he  received  by  royal  order  a 
payment  of  six  thousand  maravedis,  in  considera¬ 
tion  of  this  service.1 

The  distrust  which  the  Spanish  court  felt  at 
that  time  towards  the  rival  court  of  Portugal,  in¬ 
duced  them  to  make  ready  two  caravels,  which 
were  placed  under  the  command  of  Juan  de  la 
Cosa,  to  guard  and  give  convoy  to  the  ships  which 
were  coming  and  going,  from  time  to  time,  be¬ 
tween  Spain  and  their  new  dominions.  Americus 
was  charged  with  the  provisioning  and  support  of 
these  vessels,  while  his  friend  Pinzon  provided 
their  armament  and  warlike  stores.  Americus 
attended  to  this  business  at  about  the  time  men¬ 
tioned  above. 

Shortly  after  this  date,  on  the  22d  of  March, 
1508,  Ferdinand  appointed  Americus  to  the  office 
of  chief  pilot,  with  an  annual  salary  of  seventy-five 
thousand  maravedis.  It  would  seem,  from  the 
decree  which  was  issued  on  the  6th  of  August  of 
the  same  year,  that  this  place  was  by  no  means  a 
sinecure.  That  document  was  intended  to  define 
the  duties  of  the  new  office,  and  it  clearly  appears, 
that  if  they  were  performed  by  Americus  with  the 
fidelity  which  characterized  all  the  other  trans- 

1  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  323. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


actions  of  his  life,  but  little  leisure  could  have  been 
left  to  him.  This  high  and  responsible  post  was 
held  by  Americus  during  the  remainder  of  his  life, 
and  his  appointment  to  it  by  Ferdinand  was  the 
highest  proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  he  was 
held  by  that  monarch  that  could  have  been  be¬ 
stowed  upon  him. 

In  order  fully  to  appreciate  the  weighty  responsi¬ 
bility  which  rested  upon  him,  the  great  excitement 
which  existed  in  relation  to  the  newly-discovered 
continent  must  be  duly  estimated.  Never  before 
in  Spain  had  the  furor  for  navigation  and  nautical 
enterprise  been  so  extended.  Day  after  day  fortu¬ 
nate  adventurers  returned  from  the  Indies  with  im¬ 
mense  wealth  suddenly  acquired  by  the  discovery 
of  hidden  hoards  of  some  of  the  unresisting  natives, 
and  roused  the  cupidity  of  their  friends  and  neigh¬ 
bours,  by  glowing  accounts  of  riches  which  their 
own  success  seemed  to  prove  substantial.  The 
fever  of  emigration  was  hourly  increasing,  and  rose 
at  last  to  such  an  extent,  that  in  Seville,  where 
Americus  established  his  permanent  residence,  it 
was  said  that  few  persons  were  to  be  seen,  save 
women  and  young  children.  On  the  countermand¬ 
ing  of  an  expedition,  which  the  king  had  proposed 
to  send  to  Italy  in  the  year  1512,  about  three  thou¬ 
sand  of  the  cavaliers,  who  were  to  have  accompa¬ 
nied  it,  proceeded  to  Seville  and  made  eager  appli¬ 
cation  for  service  in  a  fleet  then  preparing  for 
America,  although  the  full  complement  of  men  to 


263 

•ir  ' 

CHAPTER 

XVII. 


Great  ex¬ 
citement  in 
Spain,  and 
extensive 
emigration. 


264 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER 

XVII. 


Death  of 
Americus, 
February 
22d,  1512. 


be  employed  in  it  was  only  about  half  the  number 
of  the  applicants.1 

Nothing  now  remains  but  to  record  the  death  of 
him  whose  life  and  writings  have  occupied  the  fore¬ 
going  pages.  This  event  took  place  at  Seville  on 
the  22d  day  of  February,  in  the  year  1512.2  No 
account  of  his  last  sickness  has  been  preserved. 
The  date  and  the  place  of  his  decease  have,  until 
recently,  been  subjects  of  discussion,  and  these 
have  been  determined  only  from  the  musty  files  of 
receipts  in  the  Spanish  archives,  and  from  the  war¬ 
rant  of  the  crown  appointing  his  successor.  The 
place  of  his  burial  is  not  certainly  known.  Vague 
accounts  are  current  in  his  native  country,  that  his 
remains  were  transported  to  Italy,  and  now  rest  in 
the  tomb  of  his  ancestors,  in  the  church  of  Ogni 
Santi  in  Florence,  but  they  do  not  carry  with 
them  the  stamp  of  authenticity. 

After  his  appointment  to  the  office  of  chief  pilot 
he  made  a  short  visit  to  Florence,  and  the  portrait 
of  him  by  Bronzino,  taken  unquestionably  towards 
the  end  of  his  life,  is  said  to  have  been  painted  in 
that  city.  It  has  always  been  preserved  as  a  sa¬ 
cred  relic  by  the  Vespucci  family,  and  its  authen¬ 
ticity  seems  never  to  have  been  called  in  question. 


i  Prescott,  vol.  iii.  cliap.  xxiv. 


2  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  324. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


CHARACTER  AND  WRITINGS  OF  AMERICUS. 

In  perusing  the  writings  and  following  the  his¬ 
tory  of  Americus,  one  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with 
the  modest  simplicity  and  truthfulness  of  his  char¬ 
acter.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  any  one  can 
read  his  letters,  and  rise  from  the  reading  with  any 
other  conviction,  than  that  the  writer  was  actuated 
by  a  sincere  desire  to  instruct  his  correspondents, 
and  furnish  them  with  accurate  information.  Rarely 
alluding  to  his  own  position  of  danger  and  suffer- 

t 

ing,  or  of  honourable  renown,  the  reader  has  cause 
for  regret  in  the  very  modesty  which  restrains  his 
pen.  He  seldom  separates  himself  from  his  com¬ 
panions,  and  when  enterprise  and  courageous  bear¬ 
ing  is  his  theme,  freely  admits  all  to  a  share  of  the 
credit.  When  occasion  offers  he  particularizes,  and 
brings  out  in  bold  relief  the  virtues  and  bravery  of 
others,  but  never  his  own.  If  an  idea  occurs  to  his 
mind  which  emanated  from  the  brain  of  another, 
he  never  fails  to  give  due  reference.  It  has  been 
seen  that  no  petty  feelings  of  jealousy  restrained 
him  from  acknowledging  what  is  owing  to  Colum¬ 
bus,  for  he  speaks  of  his  previous  discoveries  with¬ 
out  reserve.  He  excuses  his  own  deficiency,  and 

34 


CHAPTER 

XVIII. 


His  simpli¬ 
city. 


His  justice 
to  others. 


266 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


CHAPTER 

XVIII. 


Repose  of 

character. 


Patience 
and  forbear¬ 
ance. 


A  proper 

ambition. 


deprecates  a  harsh  judgment  of  his  writings,  rec¬ 
ommending  that  they  he  read  in  “  more  leisure 
hours,”  and  as  a  pastime,  rather  than  for  improve¬ 
ment. 

In  Americus,  the  historian  does  not  find  any  of 
those  brilliant  combinations  of  good  and  bad  qual¬ 
ities,  which  so  often  dazzle  the  mind,  and  produce 
a  false  estimate  of  character.  He  was  not  an  en¬ 
thusiast,  and  never  allowed  himself  to  be  earned 
beyond  the  bounds  which  reason  indicated.  He 
was  rather  inclined  to  a  philosophical  scepticism, 
ever  seeking  to  detect  fallacies  with  the  view  of 
firmly  establishing  truth. 

The  patience  and  forbearance  of  his  character  are 
no  less  observable  than  his  simplicity  and  modesty. 
“  But  one  word,”  says  Canovai,  11  did  he  allow  to 
enter  his  letters,  wherein,  though  without  any  indi¬ 
cation  of  resentment  or  bitterness,  he  complains  of 
discourteous  behaviour  towards  him.”1  No  hasty 
ebullitions  of  temper  marked  the  occurrence  of  dis¬ 
appointment  or  reverse.  He  was  always  calm  and 
persevering. 

He  was  ambitious,  but  with  a  proper  ambition .  To 
acquire  an  honourable  name,  which  should  be  the 
comfort  and  solace  of  his  old  age,  was  his  great  aim. 
It  has  already  been  shown,  that  he  could  not  have 
endeavoured  to  perpetuate  his  fame  by  the  fraudu¬ 
lent  method  of  giving  his  name  to  the  New  World, 
nor  did  he  seek  to  do  so  by  undervaluing  his  asso¬ 
ciates.  His  was  an  ambition  which  did  not  lead 


1  Canovai,  vol.  ii.  p.  110. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


267 


men  to  fear  or  oppose  him,  and  his  quiet  and  un¬ 
obtrusive  manners  made  him  friends  even  among 
his  rivals. 

He  was  enterprising,  but  that  was  a  quality  of 
the  age  in  which  he  lived.  There  is  this  difference, 
however,  in  the  enterprise  of  Americus  and  that 
of  most  of  those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded. 
These  laboured  for  their  own  good,  to  recruit  their 
own  broken  fortunes,  or  to  increase  wealth  already 
acquired  ;  he,  for  advancement  of  knowledge  and 
science,  for  the  good  of  the  whole  human  race. 
He  was  conscientious.  The  rights  of  all  were  re¬ 
spected  by  him,  according  to  the  notions  of  the  age 
in  which  he  lived.  His  scrupulous  regard  of  the 
property  of  the  helpless  and  unprotected  Indians  is 
manifest  in  his  writings.  It  is  true  that  the  vessels 
of  his  expeditions  brought  home  slave-prisoners, 
but  they  were  taken  in  fight,  and  after  some  atro¬ 
cious  treachery  ;  and  conformably  to  the  doctrines 
then  in  vogue,  the  right  to  do  this  was  undoubted, 
for  all  who  did  not  believe  in  the  Christian  religion 
were  held  to  be  destitute  of  natural  rights,  and  the 
enslaving  of  the  Indians  was  openly  countenanced 
by  the  government. 

He  was  a  warm  admirer  of  nature.  The  beauty 
of  tiie  foliage  in  the  new  lands  which  he  visited, 
and  the  melody  of  the  numerous  birds  which  sang 
among  the  branches,  never  failed  to  attract  his  at¬ 
tention  and  elicit  expressions  of  admiration. 

He  was  full  of  affectionate  feelings  for  his  family, 
as  his  care  and  attention  to  the  education  and  ad- 


CHAPTER 

XVIII. 


His  lofty 
enterprise. 


CHAPTER 

XVIII. 


His  reli¬ 
gious  senti¬ 
ments  and 
character. 


t 


iuIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

vancement  of  his  iiephew,  and  his  memory  of  his 
relatives  in  Florence,  from  whom  he  had  been  so 
long  absent,  amply  testify. 

Lastly,  he  was  deeply  imbued  with  religious  sen¬ 
timent  of  the  truest  and  most  lasting  character. 
Never  did  he  permit  himself  to  forget  the  Supreme 
Being  who  guarded  him  in  his  wanderings,  or  fail 
to  give  thanks  for  the  great  mercies  received  at  his 
hands.  Possessed  of  too  philosophical  a  mind  to 
adopt  as  truth  all  that  the  visionary  fanaticism  of 
the  age  incorporated  in  the  belief  of  the  Christian, 
yet  he  never  ceased  to  acknowledge  the  immediate 
supervision  of  Almighty  Power ;  and  though  pass¬ 
ing  over,  in  his  accounts,  with  comparative  neglect, 
the  useless  vows  of  pilgrimages  and  other  ceremo¬ 
nies  which  the  superstitious  sailors  of  his  fleet  were 
accustomed  to  make  and  perform,  on  the  occur¬ 
rence  of  a  tempest,  he  enlarges  upon  his  gratitude 
to  the  true  source  of  deliverance  from  danger. 

It  is  a  comparatively  easy  task  to  place  the  por¬ 
traiture  of  the  character  of  a  celebrated  man  in 
such  a  light,  that  only  the  brightest  portion  may  be 
visible,  while  all  the  darker  points  are  concealed. 
The  effect  of  this  would  be  to  show  k  fair  but  de¬ 
ceptive  picture,  and  such  may  seem  to  be  the  pre¬ 
sent  effort.  For  although  disposed  to  admit  that 
many  faults  might  have  existed  in  the  character  of 
Americus  (what  mortal  is  without  them  ?),  yet  the 
records  of  history  mention  them  not,  and  to  the 
present  age  they  are  or  should  be  as  if  they  were 
not. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


269 


It  would  be  almost  as  unfair  to  subject  the  wri-  chapter 

XVIII. 

tings  of  Americus  to  the  critical  tests  of  the  pres-  — - 
ent  day  as  to  judge  of  his  character  by  the  partial 
and  disingenuous  accounts  of  prejudiced  historians. 

Few,  besides  his  own  countrymen,  have  read  his 
letters  with  unbiased  minds,  and  some  of  those 
who  condemn  him  most  loudly,  have  probably  never 
read  them  at  all.  He  who  peruses  them  in  the  ex¬ 
pectation  of  finding  passages  of  elegant  diction,  or 
a  blood-stirring  narrative  of  danger  and  adventure, 
will  meet  with  total  disappointment.  They  are 
quiet  and  unassuming  descriptions  of  what  ap¬ 
peared  new  and  strange  to  him,  in  simple  lan¬ 
guage,  though  at  times  quaint  and  forcible.  Plain 
and  unvarnished  statements  throughout,  they  were 
evidently  written  by  one  who,  knowing  his  own 
integrity,  felt  confident  of  due  credence  from 
others. 

Like  all  men  who  live  in  times  of  general  agita¬ 
tion,  when  society  is  passing  through  radical 
changes,  the  great  navigator  experienced  his  share 
of  disappointments  and  reverses.  Those  men  who 
are  chosen  by  Providence  to  bring  about  important 
events,  and  lead  nations  on  to  brilliant  achieve¬ 
ments,  generally  become  familiar  with  trouble — for 
those  names  that  must  live  always  in  the  regards 
and  recollections  of  mankind,  are  not  easily  won. 

But  Americus  may  justly  be  considered  a  fortunate 
man,  whatever  may  have  been  his  reverses.  No 
conqueror,  however  celebrated,  no  philosopher,  how- 


270 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


CHAPTER 

XVIII. 


ever  wise,  has  yet  received,  or  ever  will  receive,  so 
bright  a  reward.  No  shade  obscures  his  character, 
no  accident  can  effect  his  fame — his  name  is  borne 
by  a  great  continent,  and  will  be  transmitted  to  the 
last  moment  of  time. 


END  OF  PART  I. 


PART  II. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


•» 

•  • 

f 

\ 

. 

* 

' 

- 


& 


- 

. 


, 


* 


» 


E  U  L  0  G  I  U  M 

OF 

/ 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS, 

WHICH  OBTAINED  THE  PREMIUM 

FROM  THE  NOBLE  ETRUSCAN  ACADEMY  OF  CORTONA, 
ON  THE  15th  OF  OCTOBER,  IN  THE  YEAR  1788. 


4 


LETTER 


Of  the  Etruscan  Academy  of  Cortona,  to  Count  John  Louis  of  Durfort,  then 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  France  to  the  Royal  Court  of  Tuscany, 
accompanying  the  Premium  Eulogy. 


After  the  respected  judgment  of  six  censors,  no 
less  impartial  than  enlightened,  here  at  last  is  that 
eulogy  of  Americus  Vespucius,  which  your  Excel¬ 
lency  perhaps  contemplated,  when,  with  an  incom¬ 
parable  proof  of  intelligence  and  generosity,  you  con¬ 
descended  to  remit  to  the  Academy  your  interesting 
proposal  for  it,  and  the  noble  premium.  The 
author,  who  appears  to  have  chosen  for  his  model 
the  celebrated  Isocrates,  knew  so  well  how  to  con¬ 
vert  to  his  advantage,  and  combine  intimately  in 
his  theme,  the  various  questions  proposed  to  the 
candidates,  that  the  Grecian  orator  would  perhaps 
be  astonished  to  see  himself  imitated,  even  in  the 
skilful  digression  where  he  passes  with  so  much 

35 


LETTER. 


274 


LETTER. 


/ 


LETTER  OF  THE  ETRUSCAN  ACADEMY. 

grace  from  the  praises  of  Evagoras  to  the  deeds  of 
the  Athenian  Conon.  The  proposition  of  your 
Excellency  will  be,  therefore,  a  memorable  circum¬ 
stance  in  the  exhibitions  of  the  Etruscan  Academy, 
and  might  also  become  a  glorious  epoch  in  Tus¬ 
cany,  if  the  example,  so  new  and  so  enlightened, 
should  become  known  in  all  quarters,  and  make 
us  feel  that  the  true  love  of  letters  is  a  magnani¬ 
mous,  ardent,  and  efficacious  love,  and  that  admira¬ 
tion  of  great  men  is  one  of  the  few  means  of  even¬ 
tually  acquiring  greatness.  France  alone,  that  ge¬ 
nial  realm,  fruitful  alike  in  characters  worthy  of 
eulogium,  and  in  literary  men  capable  of  appre¬ 
ciating  them,  has  renewed  in  her  academies,  in  our 
day,  the  ancient  custom  of  eulogizing  her  heroes, 
with  a  sublimity  equal  to  their  merits.  Though 
the  renowned  Linguet,  perhaps  too  great  a  friend 
of  paradoxes,  imagined  that  there  was  something 
intrinsically  and  essentially  vitiated  in  this  kind  of 
eloquence,  his  wise  compatriots  have  well  decided 
that  it  is  better  to  sutler  some  abuse  of  it,  than  to 
lose  its  manifest  advantages  by  a  heedless  proscrip¬ 
tion.  While  therefore  Tuscan  writers  are  indebted 
to  your  Excellency  for  this  happy  opportunity  of 
exercising  their  powers  in  a  department  of  oratory 
so  dear  to  the  ancients,  and  which  ought  not  to  be 
lost  to  our  literature,  we  shall  be  eternally  grateful 
to  you,  that  we  were  selected  by  your  judgment 
for  the  fortunate  duty  of  searching  out  merit,  and 
nobly  rewarding  it. 


EULOGIUM. 


agit  grates,  peregrin©que  oscula  Terr© 


Figit,  et  ignotos  montes  agrosque  salutat. 

Ovid,  Met.  iii.  v. 


14. 


It  has  been  said  in  olden  times,  that  no  eulogium 
could  compare  with  an  illustrious  name,  and  that 
no  words  could  add  to  the  fame  and  glory  of  any 
one  whose  name  alone  was  insufficient.  But  (it 
must  be  confessed)  that  these  pompous  dicta,  which 
eloquence  lavishes  so  freely,  are  of  no  substantial 
worth,  and  while  thus  attempting  to  express  with 
emphasis  an  appreciation  of  merit,  and  the  impos¬ 
sibility  of  praising  it  sufficiently,  would  establish 
the  nothingness  and  inutility  of  all  praise.1 


1  Here  we  have  in  view  the  in¬ 
scriptions  on  the  monuments  of 
two  celebrated  secretaries  of  the 
Florentine  Republic.  One  reads 
thus,  under  the  bust  of  Marcellus 
Virgilius :  “  Suprema  nomen  hoc 
loco  tantum  voluntas  jusserat  Poni 
sed  hanc  statuam  pius  erexit  heres 
nescius  famse  futurum  et  glorias. 
Aut  nomen  aut  nihil  satis.”  The 
other  was  placed  on  the  tomb  of 
Niccolo  Machiavelli.  “  Tanto  no¬ 
mini  nullum  par  eulogium.”  If 
there  could  be  no  eulogium  pro¬ 
portionate  to  the  merits  of  a  great 
man,  it  is  useless  to  make  any 


whatever,  and  all  praise  will  be 
reserved  for  mediocrity.  Wliat 
an  absurdity!  This  is  the  true 
eulogy  inscribed  to  Machiavelli. 

The  scribe  of  Florence, 
Whose  subtle  wit  discharged  a  dubious 
shaft, 

Called  both  the  friend  and  foe  of  kingly 
craft. 

Tho\  in  his  maze  of  politics  perplext, 
Great  names  have  differed  on  that  doubtful 
text : 

Here,  crowned  with  praise,  as  true  to  vir¬ 
tue’s  side, 

There,  viewed  with  horror,  as  the  assas¬ 
sin’s  guide : 

High  in  a  purer  sphere,  he  shines  afar, 

And  hist’ry  hails  him  as  her  morning  star. 

Hayley ,  Essny  on  History ,  Epist.  ii.  v.  186. 


EULOGIUM. 


2  76 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


EULOGIUM. 


Praise,  the 
aliment  of 
genius. 


Fortunately,  it  is  well  known  that  orators  are 
accustomed  to  use  such  apothegms,  which  rarely 
influence  those  who  are  seeking  after  truth.  What 
would  become  of  the  fine  arts,  literature,  and  sci¬ 
ence,  if,  acting  on  this  false  principle,  posterity 
should  neglect  to  bestow  encomiums  upon  their 
distinguished  cultivators  %  Praise  is  the  natural 
aliment  of  genius,  and  though  unheeded  by  the 
mouldering  ashes  of  heroes,  at  least  encourages  tiie 
imitator  of  their  glorious  deeds.  Let  it  be  remem¬ 
bered  that  the  great  man  does  not  descend  wholly 
into  the  tomb  ;  he  soars  immortal  upon  the  untiring 
wings  of  fame.  He  erects  for  himself  a  trophy  in 
his  great  exploits,  which  neither  the  ravages  of  time 
can  deface,  nor  the  mist  of  oblivion  obscure.  Let 
us  figure  to  ourselves  in  the  distance,  a  hundred  na¬ 
tions  yet  unborn,  repeating  his  name  with  admira¬ 
tion,  celebrating  his  discoveries  with  applause,  pos¬ 
sessing  themselves  of  what  is  good  and  true  by  the 
infallible  guide  of  his  instructions.  Such  delight¬ 
ful  hopes  not  only  wiped  the  tears  and  the  swreat 
of  labour  from  the  countenances  of  the  valiant 
Athletae,  but  forcibly  counteracted  the  spells  of  all 
the  malignant  spirits  which  enhanced  the  difficulties 
of  their  enterprises.1  The  germs  of  greatness  are 
enveloped  in  the  minds  of  those  who  are  warmed 
with  the  love  of  glory. 

There  is  a  manifest  connection  between  pub- 

i  Ceteros  ad  sapientiae  studium  latione  incitati,  earundem  etiam 
laudibus  alioram  propositis  exhor-  virtutum  desiderio  inflarnmentur. 
tamur,  ut  earum  laudum  accurau-  — Isocr .  Evag. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


*5/  / 


v 


lie  praise  and  public  happiness.1  Egypt  knew  eulogium. 
this  ;  Greece  was  not  unmindful  of  it ;  all  those 
nations  which  best  understood  the  economy  of  the 
human  heart,  ever  had  fortunate  experience  of  it. 

Ah !  whence  comes  it,  that  the  noble  example 
wants  emulators  among  us,  that  the  shades  of  our 
most  noble  citizens  wander  about  without  pane¬ 
gyrists  and  without  eulogium  72  Ought  it  to  have 
been  expected  that  a  generous  foreigner,  realizing 
the  sublime  idea  of  perfect  patriotism,3  would  come 
from  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  to  awaken  our  indo¬ 
lent  eloquence,  and  compassionately  arouse  it  to 
revive  the  languishing  memory  of  Americus  1 
Senseless  Syracusans  !  thus,  perchance,  came  the 
great  Tully  from  the  Tiber  to  show  you  the  tomb 
of  the  forgotten  Archimides.4 

We  accept  an  invitation  which  at  the  same  time 
honours  and  condemns  us.  We  praise  the  intrepid 
navigator,  the  unwearied  discoverer  of  extensive 
territories,  the  noble  Tuscan  who  wandered  through 


1  Hoc  germs  (orationis)  tam 
Grrccis  quam  Romanis  usitatum. 
fuit,  sumpta,  at  opinor,  consuetu- 
dine  ab  iEgyptis.  Harum  finis 
fuit  ut  et  bene  mentis  de  republi- 
ca  viris  honore  laudationum  ali- 
qua  gratia  referretur,  et  adoles- 
centes  cupiditate  laudis  incitati  ad 
virtutem  accenderentur. —  Wolf,  in 
Isocr.  Evag. 

2  We  have,  under  the  name  of 
eulogy,  the  lives  of  many  illustri¬ 

ous  Tuscans,  but  the  eulogies 

here  referred  to  are  very  different 
from  these  lives. 


3  Le  Patriotisme  le  plus  parfait 
est  celui  qu’on  possede  quand'on 
est  si  bien  rempli  des  droits  du 
Genre  humain,  qu’on  les  respecte 
vis-a-Aus  de  tous  les  peuples  du 
monde. — Encycl.  art.  Patriotisme . 

4  Cicero  himself  narrates  his  fa¬ 
mous  antiquarian  discovery,  and 
concludes  thus  :  “  Ita  nobilissima 
Graeciae  eivitas,  quondam  vero 
etiam  doctissime,  sui  civis  unius 
monumentum  ignorasset,  nisi  ab  ho- 
mine  Arpinate  didicisset.” — Tusc . 
Qucest.  1.  5.  c.  23. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


O-'C 

A.I  O 


el  log  i  um.  the  boundless  extent  of  the  other  hemisphere,  and 
left  his  name  impressed  upon  it  forever.  If  a  vile 
jealousy  has  attempted  to  snatch  from  his  brow  the 
well-merited  crown  ;  if  a  partial  history  has  robbed 
him  of  the  credit  due  to  his  signal  enterprise  by 
its  malicious  silence  ;  if  a  misguided  criticism  has 
unfortunately  depreciated  his  merits  and  defamed  his 
candour,  future  ages  will  see  his  character  in  clearer 
light,  and  bestowing  their  just  homage  of  admira¬ 
tion  and  encomium,  will  free  him  from  the  combi¬ 
ned  aspersions  of  his  enemies,  and  cover  his  cruel 
adversaries  with  detestation. 

The  youth  To  deny  an  infancy  to  an  extraordinary  man, 

of  Americus.  ,  ‘  .  , 

and  gravely  pronounce  that  he  was  a  wonder  from 
the  very  cradle,  would  be  to  fabricate,  in  imitation 
of  the  poets,  a  fabulous  Hercules.1  To  investigate 
the  little  anecdotes  of  this  infancy,  and  dwell  at 
length  upon  its  gradual  development,  would  be  but 
to  gratify  a  puerile  curiosity.  No,  you  do  not 
think  that  Americus  was  born  a  prodigy,  and  came 
thus  into  my  hands,  or  that  I.  would  wish  to  follow 


1  Hercules,  while  yet  in  swad¬ 
dling  clothes,  strangled,  according 
to  the  poets,  two  large  serpents 
which  Juno  had  sent  to  destroy 
him.  But  it  is  so  uncommon  or  un¬ 
necessary  for  great  men  to  begin 
by  being  great  in  boyhood,  that 
the  infancy  of  the  greater  number 
of  them  has  remained  altogether  in 
obscurity.  I  only  remember,  at 
present,  having  read  something  of 
the  kind  respecting  Pascal,  and  the 
following  is  what  is  said  of  him. 

“At  the  age  of  twelve  years  he 


had,”  they  say,  “  by  the  force  of 
his  genius  alone,  and  without 
books,  mastered  the  thirty-second 
proposition  of  the  first  book  of  Eu¬ 
clid.  The  reader  may  think  what 
he  pleases  of  it — for  my  part,  I  in¬ 
cline  to  the  opinion  of  Baillet,  who 
was  reprimanded  by  some  parti¬ 
sans  of  Pascal  for  having  doubted 
this  feature  of  his  life.  1  shall  not 
dissemble,  that  I  suspect  it  very 
much  of  being  exaggerated.” — 
Hist,  de  Mathem.  t.  ii.  p.  53. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


279 


the  feeble  footsteps  of  his  early  boyhood.  When  euloghjm. 
the  energy  of  his  mind  called  from  chaos  an  entire 
half  of  the  globe,  and,  almost  as  if  by  magic  en¬ 
chantment,  spread  existence  over  the  vast  ocean, 
it  is  of  slight  importance  to  enquire  what  went  be¬ 
fore,  or  whence  he  derived  his  power.  Conjecture, 
therefore,  if  you  please ;  proportion  the  means  to 
the  result ;  unite  to  the  most  fervid  imagination  the 
most  scrupulously  strict  reasoning,  the  possession 
of  subtle  theories  to  the  free  use  of  complicated 
instruments,  uninterrupted  study  of  the  planets  and 
stars  to  accurate  knowledge  of  continents  and  seas, 
the  valour  of  the  soldier  to  the  prudence  of  the  mar¬ 
iner,  the  bustling  life  of  the  voyager  to  the  solitude 
of  the  philosopher,  the  skill  of  the  merchant  to  the 
honour  of  the  citizen,  sense  to  genius,  modesty  to 
elevation,  vigour  to  sensibility,  boldness  to  religion, 
and  then,  perchance,  you  will  then  have  a  sketch 
of  the  sublime  qualities  and  enviable  character  of 
Americus. 

With  such  vast  endowments  as  these  a  man 
becomes  as  it  were  omnipotent.  He  projects,  and 
nothing  is  impossible;  he  wills,  and  all  is  done.  A 
thousand  secret  combinations  stand  ever  at  his  side, 
and  with  emulous  rivalry  offer  him  their  aid.  He 
manages  them  with  such  authority,  and  applies 
them  to  the  work  with  so  much  rapidity,  that  the 
effect  of  penetration  and  inconceivable  art  often 
appears  like  the  necessary  result  of  natural  causes. 

The  soul  from  its  unknown  seat,  the  sun  from  the 
centre  of  its  system,  produce  in  no  other  manner 


280 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


eulogium.  the  wonderful  motions  of  the  human  machine,  and 
the  astonishing  order  of  the  universe. 

The  posi-  But  where  shall  we  find  a  place  for  Vespucius, 
Americus.  and  wliat  position  shall  we  assign  to  him,  if  Spain, 
his  new  residence,  intoxicated  with  joy  by  rising 
hopes  of  immense  riches  and  power,  recognises  no 
other  genius,  and  commemorates  no  other  name, 
than  the  incomparable  genius  and  illustrious  name 
of  Columbus  ?  We  leave  to  prostituted  pens  the 
vile  employment  of  insulting  the  great  with  false 
reproaches  or  false  praises.  I  shall  not  make  one 
of  these  two  the  victim  of  the  other.  I  should 
know  how  to  weave  a  eulogium  for  Newton,1 
without  injury  to  Leibnitz,  and  I  shall  speak  of 
Vespucius  without  detracting  from  the  fame  of  the 
Italian  Admiral.  He  has  already  burst  the  con¬ 
fines  of  the  Old  World;  he  has  already  pushed  with 
a  noble  daring  among  the  virgin  waves  of  a  yet 
nameless  sea,2  and  St.  Lucia,  Antilla,  Cuba,  Jamaica, 
and  Hispaniola3  have  become  the  rewards  of  his 


1  It  is  known  that  a  serious  de¬ 
bate  arose  between  Newton  and 
Leibnitz,  about  the  first  inventor 
of  the  differential  and  integral  cal¬ 
culus,  on  which  Montucla  thus 
pronounces  :  “  Newton  had  found 
the  principle  of  fluxions  before 
Leibnitz,  but  too  obscurely  to  de- 
prive  the  latter  of  the  merit  of  the 
discovery.” — Hist,  des  Math.  t.  H. 
p.  334.  Americus  discovered  the 
continent  before  Columbus,  and 
did  not  find  it  at  all  obscurely. 

2  Columbus  himself  called  this 

sea  the  North  Sea,  though  not  very 


appropriately. — Hist,  de  V Acad, 
des  Scicn .,  an  1753,  p.  119. 

3  Cuba,  Jamaica,  and  Hispan¬ 
iola  are  confounded  by  some  ge¬ 
ographers  with  the  Antilles,  which 
are  more  than  six  hundred  miles 
distant  from  them. — Ramus,  t. 
iii.  p.  71.  c.  This  confusion, 
however,  was  received  by  the 
modern  author  of  the  art.  4  Amer¬ 
ica,”  in  the  Encyclopedia,  a  cen¬ 
tury  after  Columbus  and  Ves¬ 
pucius. — See  Dissertazione  Gius- 
tificativa. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


2S1 


wonderful  expedition — vast  and  fruitful  islands, 
where  the  greedy  European  trampled  for  the  first 
time  upon  gems  and  gold,  forgetting  the  famous 
countries  of  the  Ganges  and  Cathay.  The  shout 
of  important  conquests  ascends  from  the  Mexican 
Archipelago;  nations  and  kingdoms  of  long  stand¬ 
ing  are  shaken;  commerce  joyously  contemplates 
her  reviving  youth  ;!  all  eyes  are  fixed  upon  the 
leader  of  the  exalted  enterprise  :  he  enters  Barcelo¬ 
na  with  more  pomp  than  the  Roman  Capitol  wit¬ 
nessed  in  other  ages  at  the  return  of  an  Emperor 
in  triumph.  At  this,  Yespucius  becomes  thoughtful, 
and  absorbed  in  burning  meditation.  The  trophies 
of  Miltiades2  disturb  the  dreams  of  Themistocles, 
and  the  repeated  announcement  of  his  father’s  vic¬ 
tories  dissolves  in  sighs  the  magnanimous  heart  of 


1  A  few  days  before  the  third 
edition  of  this  eulogiurn  was  is¬ 
sued,  I  read  the  work  of  Genty, 
entitled  “  The  Influence  of  the 
Discovery  of  America  on  the  Hap¬ 
piness  of  the  Human  ilace.”  He 
repeats  many  times  the  truth 
which  is  here  hinted  at ;  but  two 
quotations  must  suffice.  “  The 
rich  productions  of  the  mines  of 
Peru  must  multiply  our  relations 
with  the  East,  and  of  necessity 
furnish  more  abundant  aliment 
for  the  foreign  commerce  of  Eu¬ 
rope  (p.  209).  The  conquest  of 
the  New  World  started  commerce 
from  infancy,  and  gave  it  wings 
to  soar  over  the  whole  universe” 
(p.  290).  I  agree,  therefue,  with 
tlie  illustrious  Genty,  not  only  in 
his  opinion,  but  also  in  the  figures 


with  which  he  illustrates  it.  I 
shall  not  fail  to  quote  parallel 
passages  as  they  occur,  which 
will  show  the  unexpected  corres 
ponderice  of  my  sentiments  with 
those  of  so  celebrated  an  author. 

2  It  is  said  that  Themistocles 
was  so  carried  away  with  a  love 
for  glory,  that,  at  the  time  the 
barbarians  were  conquered  at 
Marathon,  and  when  the  glory 
of  MiltiadeS  was  every  where 
celebrated,  although  yet  a  youth, 
he  withdrew  by  himself,  and  in¬ 
dulged  in  nocturnal  vigils;  and, 
on  being  asked  the  reason,  by 
those  who  wondered  at  his  con¬ 
duct,  replied  that  the  trophies  of 
Miltiades  deprived  him  of  sleep. — 
PL utajch .  The  m Istocl es. 

36 


EULOGIUM 


262 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


EULOG1UM. 


The  spirit 
of  emulation 
and  its  ef¬ 
fects. 


Alexander.  Ah !  there  are  no  more  countries  for 
me  I1  this  terrible  despot  of  the  ocean  sees  and  rav¬ 
ishes  all.  Though  I  might  excel  him  in  daring,  yet 
how  can  I  equal  him  in  fortune  and  glory  1 

Behold  the  transports  of  that  lively  emulation 
which  springs  from  the  indisputable  consciousness 
of  talents,  and  is  nourished  by  the  pure  and  delicate 
essence  of  virtue,  which  shines  uncontaminated  in 
every  footstep  of  the  hero  !  It  seems  enmity,  but 
is  laudable  strife ;  it  seems  envy,  but  is  a  generous 
ambition.  If  Columbus  had  found  enemies  and  ri¬ 
vals  resembling  Americus,  I  should  not  see,  as  now, 
the  magnificent  scene  of  his  triumph  so  suddenly 
changed  into  mourning  and  horror,  the  gloomy  night 
of  ignominy  and  mockery  succeed  the  brief  light  of 
ephemeral  happiness,  and  that  invincible  leader 
who  redoubled  the  power  and  dominions  of  ungrate¬ 
ful  Castile,  groaning  under  the  weight  of  infamous 
chains,  while  he  asks  for  nothing  but  liberty  to  car¬ 
ry  her  arms  to  the  most  distant  shores  of  the  West. 
Go  now,  and  turning  away  your  eyes  from  the  atro¬ 
cious  metamorphosis,  exclaim,  it  is  chance, — it  is 
fate, — arbitrary  sounds  and  sterile  syllables,  with 
which  no  distinct  idea  can  ever  be  associated. 
Alas  !  are  not  there  imperceptible  threads  by  which 
a  regulating  hand  guides  us  through  a  crooked  lab¬ 
yrinth  from  causes  to  effects,  and  prepares  in  silence 

i  Often,  when  the  capture  of  a  playfellows,  “  My  father  is  con- 
noble  city  or  a  victory  in  a  mem-  quering  every  thing,  so  that  there 
orable  battle,  by  Philip,  was  an-  will  remain  no  great  and  brilliant 
nounced,  Alexander  did  not  seem  exploits  for  me  to  accomplish.” — 
much  rejoiced,  but  said  to  his  Plutarch.  Alexander. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


the  events  of  the  universe  1  Prostrated  by  impla-  eulogium. 
cable  vengeance,  and  despoiled  of  the  exclusive  right 
to  discoveries  and  honours,1  Columbus  pines  in 
inaction,  but  no  new  columns  of  Hercules,2  beyond 
which  the  pilot  dares  not  pass,  stand  erect  before 
the  shores  of  Mexico.  Americus  reunites  the  web 
of  fortunate  events.  Americus  succeeds  Columbus. 

At  that  period  might  some  one  have  said  to  him,  The  euio- 

1  °  ^  gist  lmag- 

‘  Pause,  illustrious  Vespucius,  and  before  two  worlds, 
astonished  at  each  other,  are  united  by  your  means,  Americus, 
penetrate  with  me,  for  a  few  moments,  the  shadows 
of  the  future,  and  observe  the  memorable  results  of 
the  union.  What  merchandise,  what  treasures  to 
Europe!  What  rare  industry  in  the  arts,  what 
new  sublimity  in  the  sciences !  The  uncertainty 
of  the  heavens,  the  strange  laws  of  the  sea,  the  un¬ 
known  form  of  the  terrestrial  globe,  the  peculiar 
formation  of  mountains  and  rivers,  the  hidden  vir¬ 
tues  of  minerals,  of  vegetables,  of  animals,  all  are 
determined,  all  are  turned  to  usefulness  or  pleasure 
in  life.  There  is  not  a  single  comer  where  the  for¬ 
tunate  influence  of  your  discoveries  is  not  felt.3 


1  This  exclusive  right,  which  is 
asserted  by  various  historians 
( Rob .  v.  i.  p.  95),  does  not  ap¬ 
pear  in  the  contract  between  Co¬ 
lumbus  and  the  Spanish  monarchs.' 
It  is,  however,  reported  so  in  the 
Hist.  Gen.  des  Voyag.,  t.  xlv. 
p.  17,  and  by  Robertson  himself. 
lb.  p.  155. 

2  The  twelfth  labour  of  Hercu¬ 
les  was,  according  to  Mytholo- 
gists,  to  go  to  the  two  mountains, 

Abila  and  Calpe,  and  separate 


them,  so  as  to  introduce  the  ocean 
into  the  Mediterranean.  There¬ 
fore,  the  two  heights  which  over¬ 
look  the  Strait  of,  Gibraltar  are 
called  the  Pillars  of  Hercules. 
It  was  said  that  he  dared  not  pass 
them,  and  that  they  were  to  serve 
forever  as  limits  to  all  navigators. 
It  is  known,  however,  that  the 
Tyrians,  Hanno,  the  Carthageni- 
an,  and  afterwards  many  others, 
passed  these  limits. 

3  Genty  agrees  with  me.  “  The 


284 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


bulogium.  What  did  I  say  ?  the  Mediterranean  and  the  North 
Sea  are  too  contracted  in  space  for  the  new  tribute 
which  pours  into  them.  The  immense  plenitude 
inundates  Africa  and  Asia.  Political  society  is 
raised  to  the  highest  point  of  elevation,  and  the 
country  discovered  by  you,  furnishes  an  equilibrium 
to  the  boasted  power  of  the  other  hemisphere.  But, 
alas !  if  this  splendid  picture  is  so  seductive  with 
its  bright  prospects  of  benefit,  and  so  dazzling  to 
your  vision,  in  what  colours  shall  I  paint  to  you  the 
funereal  spectacle  of  innumerable  wrongs?  You 
will  find  there  unknown  regions  of  gold ;  the  rocks 
are  rich  with  it ;  the  sands  glitter  with  it ;  nature 
xhibits  her  richest  stores.  Inauspicious  stores  of 
lamentation  and  desolation !  A  vast  multitude  of 
hungry  adventurers  hasten  from  all  quarters.  At¬ 
tracted  by  the  glitter  of  the  dangerous  metal,  they 
abandon  their  ancient  seats.  Europe  sends  masters 
there ;  Africa,  slaves.  They  are  disputed  at  every 
step,  they  are  combated  on  every  shore.  Some 
are  the  prey  of  the  waves,  others  of  fire  and  sword  5 
many,  of  a  foreign  climate  ruinous  to  health ;  many 
ol  an  unknown  pestilence  which  devours  them, 
and  without  peopling  the  continent  which  they  seek, 
that  which  they  leave  remains  desolate  and  desert- 


conquest  of  the  New  World  ex¬ 
tended  the  domain  of  the  arts  and 
sciences,  furnishing  them  with 
materials  and  instruments,  and 
opening  to  genius  a  career  more 
vast  and  more  brilliant.  It  con¬ 
tributed,  above  all,  to  perfect 


natural  history,  botany,  geogra¬ 
phy,  navigation,  and  astronomy. 
It  brought  us  the  Quinquina;  it 
called  us  to  share  in  all  the  produc¬ 
tions  of  nature,  and  procured  us 
more  numerous  and  more  varied 
enjoyments”  (p.  289,  290). 


AMERICUS  VESPUOIUS. 

ed.1  This  may  be  the  punishment  of  their  covet¬ 
ousness  and  debauchery.  This  may  be  the  punish¬ 
ment  of  those  who  hoped  to  find  a  peculiar  sky, 
where  Nature  spoke  not  with  her  accustomed  lan¬ 
guage,  and  where  the  brutality  of  their  desires 
might  be  gratified  to  its  fullest  extent.  In  what 
have  those  unfortunate  beings  sinned,  those  free¬ 
men  whom  they  bind  with  fetters  in  their  tranquil 
'huts  V  Can  you  convince  yourself  that  you  have 


1  Such  is  exactly  the  view  of 
Genty.  “  It  (the  conquest  of  the 
New  World)  should  have  softened 
the  manners  of  the  Europeans, 
and  inclined  them  to  beneficence  ; 
but  it  rendered  them  more  cruel 
and  pitiless. 

It  should  have  exalted  the  dig¬ 
nity  of  man,  and  taught  him  the 
nobility  of  his  origin ;  it  only 
swelled  the  hearts  of  some  des¬ 
pots,  and  furnished  them  with 
new  means  to  oppress  and  de¬ 
grade  the  human  species.  It 
ought  to  have  enriched  Europe, 
and  it  covered  it  with  mourning, 
and  rendered  it,  so  to  speak,  de¬ 
serted  and  miserable  (p.  289). 
The  Spaniards  made  deserts  in 
America,  and  rendered  their  own 
country  more  than  a  desert. — 
Montesq.  Lett. — Persan.Lett.  121. 
Since  the  devastation  of  America, 
the  Spaniards,  who  have  taken 
the  place  of  the  ancient  inhabi¬ 
tants,  have  not  been  able  to  re¬ 
people  it;  on  the  contrary,  the 
destroyers  are  destroying  them¬ 
selves,  and  are  being  consumed 
every  day.” — Id. 

2  There  are  ten  titles,  according 
to  •  Solorzano  (de  Indiarum  Jure , 


t.  i.),  which  give  to  Spain  the 
right  over  America.  The  gift  of 
God,  confirmed  by  prophecies  and 
prodigies ;  impulse  and  Divine 
inspiration ;  discovery  and  occu¬ 
pation  ;  the  barbarous  customs  of 
the  Indians;  their  infidelity;  their 
sins ;  the  preaching  and  propa¬ 
gation  of  Christianity;  the  ob¬ 
ligation  of  listening  to  the  faith ; 
the  power  of  the  Roman  Emperor 
to  overcome  the  infidels ;  and  the 
donation  of  the  pope.  Let  every 
one  judge  of  the  solidity  of  such 
titles  at  his  pleasure.  To  me, 
they  seem  more  evtravagant  than 
all  the  rights  seriously  proclaimed 
by  Gonzalo  d’Oviedo.  “Now,  as 
Spain  and  Italy  took  their  names 
from  Hesperio  XII.,  King  of 
Spain,  so,  also,  should  these 
islands  take  it,  which  we  call  Hes- 
perides.  Hence,  without  doubt, 
it  may  be  considered,  that  in  that 
time  these  islands  were  under  the 
dominion  of  Spain,  and  under  the 
same  king,  which  was  (as  Beroso 
says)  1658  years  before  our  Sa¬ 
viour  was  bom,  and  because,  at 
present,  we  are  in  the  year  of 
grace,  1535,  it  follows  that  it  is 
now  3093  years  since  Spain  and 


285 

EULOG1UM. 


286 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


eulogium.  imaginary  rights  in  Atalanta  and  the  Hesperides, 
and  with  the  same  thought  fancy  that  a  man  with¬ 
out  clothing  and  without  a  yoke,  merits  not  the 
name  of  man  T  Oh  God !  the  basest  sycophancy 
has  fabricated  those  monstrous  pretensions,  in  be¬ 
half  of  powerful  injustice.2  Reason  blushes  at 
them  ;  humanity  shudders  at  them.3  The  thirst 
for  gold  awakens  the  thirst  for  blood.  Like  those 
cruel  persons,  who  kill  the  innocent  bee  in  order  to 
become  masters  of  its  sweet  treasure,  we  signalize 
our  violation  with  murder,  and  bearing  fire  and  the 
sword  in  our  hands,  more  cruel  than  wolves,  more 
barbarous  than  tigers,  mangle  a  terrified  and  un¬ 
armed  herd,  that  we  may  reign  over  a  huge  mass 


its  Hesperus  exercised  dominion 
over  these  Indies  or  islands  of 
Hesperides.  On  account  of  this 
ancient  jurisdiction,  and  judging 
by  the  manner  in  which  it  has 
been  given,  which  will  be  stated 
hereafter,  God  has  returned  this 
dominion  to  Spain  again,  after  so 
many  centuries ;  and  it  appears 
that  Divine  justice  wished  to  re¬ 
turn  it  to  her,  that  she  might  pos¬ 
sess  it  perpetually,  through  the 
good  fortune  of  her  two  happy  and 
Catholic  monarchs. — Ramusio,  t. 
iii.  p.  65. 

1  Americus  relates,  that  the 
men  seen  by  him  all  were  na¬ 
ked,  and  that  they  have  neither 
king  nor  lord ;  that  they  obeyed 
no  one,  and  could  neither  be 
called  Moors  nor  .Tews. 

2  Listen  to  Genty,  who  thus 
begins  his  second  question : 
“  Must  this  too  celebrated  revo¬ 
lution  be  described,  which  will 


make  all  future  generations  blush 
with  shame  and  indignation  ? 
Must  these  revolting  scenes  be 
painted,  these  numerous  massa¬ 
cres,  where  all  that  was  most 
atrocious  in  barbarity,  all  that 
was  most  hideous  in  avarice  and 
cowardice,  was  put  in  operation 
against  timid  and  defenceless  na- 
tions?  Must  the  long  chain  of 
crimes,  perfidy,  and  oppression  be 
retraced,  which  blotted  out  whole 
nations  from  the  face  of  the 
earth  ?”  p.  33. 

3  The  reply  of  Cortez  to  the 
ministers  of  Montezuma,  who 
boasted  of  the  treasures  and  the 
power  of  their  country,  is  reported 
by  Raynal,  t.  vi.  p.  64.  w  Be¬ 
hold  exactly  what  we  are  seek¬ 
ing  after — great  dangers  and  great 
riches.”  Perhaps  the  Spanish 
general  had  learned  this  language 
from  the  pirates  of  Tunis  or  Al¬ 
giers. 


AMERICU3  VESPUCIUS.  287 

of  dead  bodies  and  gold.  The  lacerated  remnants  eulogium. 
of  the  horrid  carnage  howl  with  mournful  clamour, 

11  y  among  the  mountain  precipices,  conceal  them¬ 
selves  in  inaccessible  forests,  and  their  country, 
covered  with  blood  and  tears,  offers  nothing  to  its 
unhappy  children,  but  a  sacrilegious  altar  with 
thirty  millions  of  men  wickedly  immolated  to  the 
idol  of  avarice.1 

Whoever,  at  that  juncture,  had  pourtrayed  to  The  doubts 

5  J  1  j  and  decision 

Vespucius  this  double  series  of  events,  would,  per-  of  Americus. 
chance,  have  induced  him  to  change  his  determina¬ 
tion.  His  heart,  so  prone  to  emotion,  his  spirit  so 
penetrating  and  so  just,  his  noble  disinterestedness, 
his  scrupulous  delicacy,  would  have  united  to  dis¬ 
suade  him  from  a  voyage,  the  manifest  ambiguity 
of  the  event  of  which  might  destroy  so  large  a  por¬ 
tion  of  its  glory.  But  very  different  thoughts  were 
revolving  in  his  mind.  Anxious  to  make  known 
to  the  world  the  superiority  of  the  science  and  nau¬ 
tical  skill  which  had  been  his  for  a  long  time,  he 
listens  only  to  the  voice  of  honour,  which  calls  him, 
and  directing  his  course  to  the  West,  leaves  to  the 
enlightened  philosopher  the  task  of  determining  the 
character  of  his  labours.  Difficult  judgment !  which 
seems  tacitly  to  constrain  to  the  intricate  ex¬ 
amination  of  primitive  causes,  and  to  odious  com- 

i  Thomas,  Eloge  de  Dugay-  Americans,  besides  fourteen  hun- 
Trouin.  “  Taking  the  calculation  dred  of  his  own  nation,  with  his 
of  the  furious  Carvajal,  1500  own  hand.” — Raynal,  tom.  vii.  p. 

Spaniards  were  sufficient  to  slaugh-  58,  with  whom  Gomara  does  not 
ter  thirty  millions  of  men.  This  disagree,  exceptin the  words  “with 
monster  boasted,  at  his  death,  of  his  own  hand.”  —  Cap .  186,  p. 
having  killed  twenty  thousand  259. 


288 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


eulqgium.  parison  between  the  private  prosperity  of  a  state, 
and  the  public  interest  of  the  human  race.  Tell 
me,  indeed,  whether  navigation  is  an  absolute  ad¬ 
vantage,  or  fix,  at  least,  the  relation  between  its 
advantages  and  disadvantages.  Tell  me  if  it  is 
possible  to  find  any  universal  measure  of  good,  or 
any  rules  by  which  to  estimate  in  exact  proportion, 
and  by  a  common  criterion,  physical,  political,  and 
moral  benefits.  Tell  me  whether  all  men  belong 
to  the  same  family,  or  define  to  which  of  the  many 
families  of  men  a  preference  is  due,  and  I  will  soon 
designate  to  you  the  proper  estimate  of  the  mar¬ 
itime  deeds  of  Americus.  If,  in  the  absence  of 
proper  data,  I  declare  these  general  problems  insol¬ 
uble,  do  not  be  astonished  that  a  question  which  is 
connected  with  them  by  such  bonds,  and  is  of  such 
manifest  affinitv,  should  remain  undecided.1 

The  ad  van-  It  happens  sometimes,  however,  that  an  aggre- 

tages  and 

disadvanta-  gate  of  facts  and  peculiar  analogies  authorizes  a 

ges  of  the  A 

dAmeS«°f  geiiera,l  conclusi°n>  or  if  may  be  that  compassion, 
tender  and  beautiful  virtue,  inborn  with  man,  in- 
dines  the  spirit  to  favour  the  oppressed,  and  the 
important  judgment  may  seem  to  you  already  pro¬ 
nounced.  At  the  horrid  sight  of  the  carnage,  the 
pretended  advantages  sink  into  insignificance.  The 
warm  invectives  of  the  philosopher  are  united  with 

i  The  work  of  Genty  considers  vantageous  for  me  the  accordance 
the  present  question  exactly,  and  of  my  opinions  with  those  of  Gen¬ 
ii  as  an  exposition  of  it  much  better  ty  may  be,  it  will  be  easily  seen, 
than  any  thing  that' can  be  given  that  a  longer  discussion  of  the 
in  a  eulogium.  It  ought  to  be  point  would  have  been  quite  for- 
spoken  of  here,  but  however  ad-  eign  to  my  subject. 


Eight  cf  the  bravest  Indian  warriors  threw  themselves  into  a  hut,  whence  they  discharged  such  showers  of  arrows,  that  for  a 
time  the  hardiest  of  the  assailants  were  kept  at  hay.  At  last,  fire  was  applied  to  the  hut,  which  in  an  instant  was  in  a  blaze,  and 
the  eight  warriors  perished  in  the  flames.  (See  Page  381.) 


BURNING  THE  HUT  AND  EIGHT  WARRIORS. 


' 


. 


-  ' 


V 


{ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


289 


the  eloquent  tears  of  the  ignorant,  and  that  fatal 
art  is  deplored,  which,  in  spite  of  a  visible  prohibi¬ 
tion  of  Providence,  showed  the  way  to  the  unlucky 
shores  of  the  New  World.  I  would  not  mask  the 
truth,  in  order  to  secure  fame  to  Vespucius.  Sin¬ 
cerity  of  intention,  and  the  impossibility  of  fore¬ 
telling  the  future,  justify  him  sufficiently.  But  if 
all  the  great  elements  of  the  question  are  considered, 
how  shall  the  decision  be  given  with  judgment  and 
equity  ?  Has  the  culture  of  those  wild  and  savage 

o 

nations  ever  been  estimated  ?  Has  the  price  of  re¬ 
ligion  ever  been  calculated?  Yet  these  benefits 
'  hold  a  rank  so  elevated,  and  offer  rewards  so  cer¬ 
tain  to  the  feeble  nature  of  man,  that  the  dubious 
light  of  every  other  good  is  obscured  in  compari¬ 
son  ;  they  are  competent  even  to  soften  anguish, 
calm  terror,  enlarge  the  mind,  and  spread  oblivion 
over  the  barbarity  of  conquerors,  and  the  wicked¬ 
ness  of  tyrants.  It  is  a  crime,  I  do  not  deny  it,  it 
is  the  blackest  of  all  crimes,  to  change  the  institu¬ 
tions  of  religion  into  sanguinary  instruments  of 
death,  and  reduce  a  desperate  people  to  execrate 
those  revelations  and  that  God,  to  whom  they 
ought  to  give  themselves  up  with  gratitude  and 
transport.  But  these  revelations  are  adopted,  and 
that  God  is  worshipped  now  in  America.1  Forget 

1  It  has  been  said  that  this  in-  oped.  These  ideas  are  presented 
telligence  is  producing  its  effects,  by  Genty  :  “  Nature,”  he  says, 
But  it  will  be  seen  in  the  course  “  and  philosophy  will  unite  their 
of  this  eulogium,  that  it  could  not  voices  to  applaud  these  happy 
be  throughout  America,  and  nei-  changes,  to  prepare  them,  and  un- 
tfier  so  soon  nor  so  easily  devel-  derstand  their  effects.  Religion 

37 


EULOGIUM. 


# 


290 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


EULOGIUM. 


t 


all  evils  in  the  presence  of  one  good  so  incompara¬ 
ble  and  since  these  were  the  pure  designs  of  the 
eager  Voyager,2  in  whom  neither  covetousness  nor 
fanaticism  ever  fostered  the  cruelty  of  a  Cortez,3 
a  Pizarro,  or  an  Almagro,  let  him  disembark  tran¬ 
quilly  upon  the  shores  of  that  strange  land,  and 
greet  in  peace  their  unknown  mountains  and  un¬ 


trodden  fields.4 

will  continue  to  invite  the  savages 
to  a  participation  in  its  mysteries. 
It  will  conquer  them  by  its  tender 
exhortations,  it  will  soften  their 
hearts  by  its  promises  and  its  con¬ 
soling  dogmas — it  will  make  men 
of  them.” — P.  321. 

1  Thus  is  the  first  question  de¬ 
cided — The  advantages  and  dis¬ 
advantages  of  the  discovery  of 
America,  as  proposed  in  the  pro¬ 
gramme  of  the  Etruscan  Acade¬ 
my.  It  was  raised,  not  with  re¬ 
gard  to  Europe  only,  but  without 
any  limitation,  and  it  was  neces¬ 
sary,  therefore,  to  reply  to  it  in  full. 

2  Not  only  was  Americus  eager 
to  inculcate  in  the  minds  of  the 
savages  religion  and  morality,  but 
he  was  also  so  happy  as  to  suc¬ 
ceed  in  it.  “In  this  country  (in 
Paria,  that  is),  we  established  bap¬ 
tismal  fonts,  and  a  great  number 
of  people  were  baptized.  They 
called  us  in  their  language,  Carabi, 
which  means  men  of  great  wis¬ 
dom.  We  endeavoured  many 
times  to  draw  them  into  our  opin¬ 
ions,  and  admonislied  them  often, 
that  they  might  finally  be  willing 
to  abandon  such  an  infamous  cus¬ 
tom  as  an  abomination,  and  they 
promised  us' many  times  to  abstain 
from  sueh  cruelty.” 


3  The  moderation  which  Amer¬ 
icus  observed  towards  the  savages 
was  quite  remarkable.  “We  took 
from  them  (from  the  traitors  who 
had  assaulted  him)  many  things  of 
little  value,  and  we  would  not  burn 
their  houses,  as  it  was  a  matter  of 
conscience  with  us.”  “We  re¬ 
solved  not  to  touch  or  take  away 
any  of  their  things,  in  order  the 
better  to  assure  them,  and  we  left 
many  of  our  things  for  them  in  the 
houses.”  “  It  was  determined  that 
since  this  people  wished  to  be  at 
enmity  with  us,  we  would  have  a 
conference  with  them,  and  do  eve¬ 
ry  thing  to  make  them  friends.” 
“  We  discharged  two  guns  at  them 
(at  those  who  had  followed  him 
shooting  arrows),  more  to  frighten 
than  to  do  them  injury.”  Ameri¬ 
cus  was  not,  therefore,  inferior  to 
Cook,  in  an  age  which  was  not 
like  the  age  of  Cook  ;  and  though 
he  was  obliged  to  fight  many 
times,  it  was  to  defend  those  sava¬ 
ges  who  were  his  friends,  or  in  his 
own  defence. 

4  *  *  Agit  grates,  peregrin®  que  oscula 

Terr® 

Figit,  et  ignotos  montes  agrosque  salu~ 
tat.  ’  * 

Thus  speaks  Ovid  of  Cadmus, 
who  brought  letters  into  Europe, 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS.  291 

The  daring  Columbus  should  first  have  landed  eulogium. 
here,  had  he  intended  to  deprive  others  of  the  hope  Comparison 

'  x  of  the  tracks 

of  surpassing  him.  Every  effort  is  now  vain,  and  of  Columbus 
whoever  regards  the  discovery  of  the  continent  as  lcus* 
a  poor  appendage  to  the  discovery  of  the  islands, 
militates  with  the  truth,  though  he  cannot  wound 
the  invulnerable  glory  of  Americus  ;  because  the 
acute  Archimides,  because  Wallis  and  Brouncker 
and  Fermat  approached  closely  the  new  analyses, 
it  does  not  follow  that  the  divine  geometrician  who 
courageously  opened  the  formidable  gates  of  infinity, 
and  trod  those  perilous  regions  with  a  sure  foot, 
has  not  eclipsed  them.  Newton  found  assistance 
in  the  labours  of  many  great  men.  But  there  was 
nothing  in  common  between  the  two  navigators,, 

Neither  the  line  of  the  voyage,  the  conduct,  nor 
the  termination  were  similar.  What  an  uncertain 
and  tortuous  circuit  was  that  of  Columbus,  who 
from  the  Canaries  returned  to  the  south  so  far  that 
he  saw  in  the  tropics  the  neighbouring  heights  of 
Cape  Verd,  and  turning  thence  to  the  west  and  to 
the  north,  arrived  at  Guanahani !  He  roved  nearly 
three  years  from  island  to  island,  and  from  coast  to 


and  perhaps  religion  also,  as  Amer¬ 
icus  introduced  religion  and  the 
first  seeds  of  moral  culture  into 
America.  The  custom  of  render¬ 
ing  thanks  to  God  at  the  sight  of 
land  was  then  general  among  nav¬ 
igators.  “  They  set  their  feet  on 
terra  firma,”  writes Boecacio,  “and 
saluted  the  neighbouring  moun¬ 
tains,”  &c.  Robertson  also  inti- 
mat  3S  it.  “  The  crew  of  the  Pin- 


ta  sang  the  Te  Deum,  and  those 
in  the  other  vessels  responded  to 
it”.  .  .  .“  The  Spaniards  who  fol¬ 
lowed  Columbus,  fell  on  their 
knees  and  kissed  the  earth  which 
they  had  so  long  desired  to  see.” 
— Hist,  de  VAm.  t.  i.  p.  176,  177. 
Hear  Americus  himself :  “  Having 
seen  the  land,  we  gave  thanks  to 
God.” 


292 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


eulogium.  coast,  and  attracted  by  an  invisible  magnetism 
within  the  narrow  circumference  of  past  discove¬ 
ries,  never  saw  the  boundless  country  which  was 
laid  temptingly  before  his  face,  and  seemed  to  open 
its  bosom,  and  invite  him  to  repose  upon  it.1  Amer- 
icus,  on  the  contrary,  avoids  the  seas  already  known, 
shuns  the  islands  already  discovered,2  does  not  pro¬ 
pose  to  return  to  Europe  by  the  w  ay  of  Japan  and 
China,  and  impel] ed  by  intelligence  and  genius, 
runs  in  thirty-seven  days  from  the  Fortunate  Islands 
to  the  Oronoko.  The  spacious  plains  of  Terra 
Firma,  the  curious  little  island  of  Venezuela,  the 
pleasant  forests  of  Faria,3  present  an  inexhausti- 


1  Jamaica,  Cuba,  Hispaniola, 
and  the  other  islands  adjacent  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  having  been 
discovered,  it  might  have  been 
said  that  the  gates  of  the  New 
World  were  thrown  wide  open, 
and  that  nothing  further  remained 
to  be  done  by  the  vo}7agers  who 
followed  Columbus,  but  to  enter 
them.  But  I  would  ask,  why 
did  not  Columbus  enter  Mexico 
through  those  gates  which  he  him¬ 
self  had  thrown  wide  open  ? 

2  It  was  only  in  his  second  voy¬ 
age  that  Americus  went  to  the 
islands  of  Antilla  and  Hispaniola, 
already  discovered  by  Columbus. 

3  The  land  discovered  by  Ves- 
pucius  in  his  second  voyage  was, 
according  to  his  own  account,  con¬ 
tinuous  or  contiguous  to  the  land 
discovered  in  his  first;  therefore, 
if  that  of  the  second  lies  a  little 
beyond  the  equator,  in  the  south¬ 
ern  hemisphere,  it  is  reasonable 
to  conclude  that  of  the  first  to  be 


near  the  line  in  the  northern  hem¬ 
isphere  :  hence  his  “  Lariab”  is 
certainly  “  Paria,”  as  in  the  Geog¬ 
raphy  and  Cosmography,  Munster 
accurately  translates  it. — ( Geog . 
Tab.  Nov.  Ins.  Cosmog.  p.  1109.) 
But  it  is  not  easy  to  understand 
how  Lariab  or  Paria  is  located  by 
Americus  under  the  Tropic  of 
Cancer,  where  New  Galicia  and 
Panuco  are  situated.  From  ob¬ 
serving  that  Martiniere  (V.  Paria) 
does  not  recognize  any  province  of 
this  name  further  East  in  America, 
and  that  De  l’lsle  took  it  entirelv 

ml 

from  his  charts,  I  suspected  that 
in  the  first  period  of  the  discovery, 
this  might  have  been  the  general 
denomination  of  America  as  then 
known ;  neither  do  I  think  I  have 
been  deceived,  since  Geraldini, 
Bishop  of  St.  Domingo,  wrote  to 
Leo  X.,  concerning  that  island 
which  the  unlearned  call  the  con¬ 
tinent  of  Asia,  and  others  denom¬ 
inate  America  or  Paria. — {Can- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


293 


ble  harvest  for  his  meditations,  and  give  repose  to  ettlogium. 
the  cosmographer  to  employ  the  philosopher.  Nei¬ 
ther  is  he  satisfied  with  a  passing  and  fugitive 
glance,  but  having  measured  once  more  the  fourth 
part  of  the  terrestrial  perimeter,1  sees  again  the 
shores  with  which  he  is  enamoured,  again  explores 
vast  and  almost  boundless  tracts  of  territory,  visits 
the  northern  shores,2  where  men  of  gigantic  stature 
are  found,3  certain  of  bearing,  as  a  tribute  to  covetous 


cell .  Diss.  Sopra  Crist.  Colomb. 
p.  224.)  It  is  certain  that  one 
map,  as  late  as  1535,  printed  in 
Basle,  places  Paria  in  24  or  25  de¬ 
grees  of  south  latitude  (Mar gar. 
Philos,  p.  1434);  in  the  maps  of 
Apianus,  Grinaius  and  Munster, 
Paria  is  located  in  the  environs  of 
the  equator  ;  and  in  that  of  Villa- 
novano,  published  in  1541,  Paria 
is  placed  at  45  degrees  of  north 
latitude.  Seventy  degrees  of  lat¬ 
itude  being  thus  included  by  dif¬ 
ferent  geographers,  it  is  fair  to 
conclude  that  all  America  was  Pa¬ 
ria  ;  and  perhaps  for  this  reason 
Martyr  says,  “  in  the  immense 
tracts  of  Paria”  (Dec.  ii.,  L.  ix.  p. 
39.),  and  called  the  “  Sea  of  Pa¬ 
ria”  the  ocean  which  bathed  the 
New  World  (Majol.  Dies.  Canic. 
p.  509).  In  fact,  Vespucius  him¬ 
self  testifies,  that  after  having 
moved  ten-  degrees  from  the  equi¬ 
noctial  line,  he  continued  to  sail 
towards  the  north,  and  passed  into 
a  gulf  which  is  called  the  Gulf  of 
Paria.  This  is  certain  proof  that 
Paria  extended  much  beyond  eight 
or  nine  degrees  north  latitude,  to 
which,  with  evident  error,  others 
have  been  disposed  to  limit  it,  not 


knowing  that  New  Castile  and 
New  Andalusia  were  two  provin¬ 
ces  of  Paria,  and  that  the  six  hun¬ 
dred  leagues  of  coast,  traversed  by 
Pincon,  amounted  to  more  than  36 
degrees  (Ram.  t.  iii.  p.  13.  B.  p. 
23.  B). 

1  Americus  was  more  than  52 
degrees  distant  from  Cadiz;  hence 
he  had  passed  over  nearly  the 
fourth  part  of  the  terrestrial  cir¬ 
cuit. 

2  “We  resolved  to  turn  our 
course  to  the  northwest,”  says 
Americus.  “We  determined  to 
sail  to  the  northern  parts;  we 
changed  our  navigation  towards 
the  north.”  In  fact,  Venezuela, 
which  Americus  arrived  at,  is 
changed  to  Tramontana,  and  from 
the  particular  position  of  the  ocean 
in  that  place,  Columbus  took  the 
occasion  to  call  it  the  North  Sea, 
as  I  have  said  in  another  place. 

3  Various  writers  think  these 
giants  were  Patagonians,  which 
would  carry  Americus  towards  the 
land  of  Magellan,  at  the  south, 
while  in  fact  he  went  to  the  north. 
It  appears  that  similar  gigantic 
persons  inhabited  Yucatan,  as 
Solorzano  observed,  on  the  au- 


294 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


EULOGIUM. 


Cosmo- 
graphical 
calculations 
of  Americus. 


Spain,  three  thousand  miles  of  continent.  His 
companions  were  astonished,  and  with  ravenous 
eyes  viewed  the  rich  ear-rings  and  jewelled  neck¬ 
laces  of  the  naked  Indians.1  He  admired  their  pro¬ 
portions,  studied  their  language,  considered  their 
customs,  and  softened  by  the  complaints  and  griev¬ 
ances  of  these  friendly  hosts,  turned  his  sword 
against  the  deadly  cannibals,  who  tore  them  in 
pieces  to  satiate  their  hunger. 

Meanwhile,  abandoned  cosmography  recalls  him, 
and  at  her  imperious  nod,  Americus  retraces  his 
footsteps,  and  reasons  with  himself.  Where  am  I? 
in  what  part  of  the  globe  ?  at  what  distance  from 
Calpe  ?  Physical  wonders  are  redoubled  every 
moment.  The  pole  that  was  elevated  so  lucidly 
above  the  horizon,  is  now  sunk  in  the  abyss  of  the 
ocean.  That  zone  which  inexperienced  philoso¬ 
phers  declared  fatal  to  respiration  and  to  life, 
contains  within  its  beautiful  boundaries  an  innu¬ 
merable  multitude  of  inhabitants.  Perhaps  I  am 
now  at  the  antipode  of  the  Tartar  or  the  Chinese. 
Will  my  story  be  credited  in  Europe,  if  the  new 
Eden  through  which  I  wander  should  be  lost,  like 


tliority  of  Herrera. — De  Ind.  Jur. 
1.  i.  c.  10,  n.  54.  These  and 
many  similar  accounts  of  the 
early  navigators  have  proved  to 
he  exaggerations. —  Trans. 

1  The  Spaniards,  greedy  for 
riches,  were  never  sensible  of  the 
beauties  and  charms  of  the  lovely 
climates  of  America.  Like  the 
Mammon  of  Milton,  who,  forget¬ 
ting  every  delight  in  Heaven, 


always  kept  his  eyes  fixed  on  the 
golden  pavement. — Raynal,  t.  vi. 
p.  70.  Americus  very  .cautiously 
observes,  “  The  navigation  has 
been  very  profitable,  which  is  now 
a  matter  of  high  consideration, 
and  particularly  in  this  kingdom, 
where  inordinate  covetousness  pre¬ 
vails.” 

2  The  idea  of  having  found  in 
America  a  terrestrial  paradise. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


295 


the  old,  in  the  immensity  of  space  1  Many  times  eulogium. 
the  setting  sun  left  him  pondering  upon  these  grave 
considerations,  and  many  times  surprised  him  deeply 
absorbed  in  them  when  it  rose.  To  discover  in 
the  Antarctic  heavens  a  motionless  star,  to  guide 
the  pilot  through  the  regions  of  the  South,  and  from 
the  various  intersections  of  the  meridians  with  the 
equator,1  to  determine  both  the  position  of  the 
country,  and  the  extent  of  the  voyage— this  was 
the  double  knot,  to  unravel  which,  Americus  de¬ 
voted  the  silent  night.  It  was  more  a  matter  per¬ 
taining  to  his  glory,  than  a  thing  absolutely  essen¬ 
tial  to  designate  in  the  firmament  the  opposite  pole  ; 
but  to  secure  the  honour  of  having  trodden  un¬ 
known  countries  for  the  first  time,  it  was  indispen¬ 
sable  to  be  able  to  show  the  way  to  them  again. 
Meanwhile,  an  exact  determination  of  the  geograph¬ 
ical  longitudes,  may  contend  in  point  of  difficulty 
with  the  discovery  of  a  continent.  What  did  not 
the  old  philosophers  do,  what  had  not  more  re¬ 
cent  ones  attempted,  to  solve  the  contumacious 
problem  I  Despairing  of  solving  it  by  the  too 


was  common  to  Columbus  and 
Americus ;  but  while  Columbus 
spoke  of  it  with  gross  fanaticism, 
(Hist.  Gen.  des  Voyag.,  t.  xlv. 
p.  219),  Americus  treated  the 
idea  with  a  sobriety  and  a  delicacy 
which  do  honour  to  his  good  sense. 
“The  trees  are  so  beautiful  and 
so  odoriferous,  that  we  seem  to  be 
in  a  terrestrial  paradise.”  “  If 
there  be  a  terrestrial  paradise  on 
earth,  doubtless  it  cannot  be  far 
from  these  regions.” 


1  Imagining  every  point  of  the 
globe  cut  by  a  meridian,  and 
taking  for  the  first  any  point 
whatever,  as  that  of  Paris,  the 
distance  of  this  from  others, 
counted  upon  the  equator,  is 
called  longitude.  Thus  the  me¬ 
ridian  of  Florence  cuts  the  equa¬ 
tor  at  8  degrees,  56  minutes,  59 
seconds  east;  that  of  London,  at 
2  degrees,  5  minutes,  9  seconds 
west;  and  this  difference  of  the 
two  meridians,  in  crossing  the 


* 


296 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


eulogium.  feeble  aid  of  latitude  and  the  rhombi,1  they  brought 
to  bear  upon  it  the  boldest  computations,  they  in¬ 
vested  it  with  the  most  formidable  analyses,  and 
reduced  it  almost  to  a  surrender  by  their  experi¬ 
ments  with  a  hundred  orreries.2  What  then  ? 
Their  fruitless  exertions  left  them  finally  to  learn 
from  Vespucius  the  art  of  subduing  the  rebel. 
His  inventive  genius  pursues  the  question  through 
the  two  tropics  ;3  he  watches ;  he  meditates  ;  he 
reasons.  It  may  be  said,  that  abstruse  formulas 
and  imperfect  instruments  were  impediments  to  his 
career.  He  notes  the  moment  of  an  astronomical 
conjunction,  proceeds  at  once  to  the  determination 
of  the  longitude,  and  either  the  tables  to  which  he 
recurs,  or  the  instruments  he  employs,  lie.  But  he 
is  the  possessor  of  the  secret ;  his  method  is  cer- 

% 

tain  ;  no  one  knew  it  before  Americas,  no  one  has 
abandoned  it  since.4  Well  may  all  the  discourteous 
forgetfulness  of  men  vanish,  because  this  original 
method  which  the  ingenious  European  brought 
forth  for  the  first  time  under  a  savage  sky,  and  em¬ 
ployed  for  the  first  time  in  fixing  its  geographical 
character,  does  not  appear  in  the  first  place  in  the 
at^ioreifce  American  memorials  of  Astronomy — the  inestima- 
fJuencTof  hie  anticipated  fruit  of  the  civilized  hemisphere, 
eries  of  Fortunate  Florence  rejoiced  at  the  proclamation 

Americus. 

equator,  determines  the  longitude  were  a  quadrant  and  an  astrolabe  ; 
of  Florence  and  London.  all  his  books,  the  almanack  of 

1  Eneycl.,  art.  Longitude.  Monteregio  and  the  tables  of  Al- 

2  Bailly,  Hist,  de  l’Astr.  Mod.  phonso.  Genius  is  like  nature— 

p.  Ill,  &c.  it  is  contented  with  little. 

3  All  the  instruments  of  Ameri-  4  Diss.  Gius.,  No.  79. 
cus,  in  this  very  difficult  research, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


297 


of  these  discoveries.  The  noble  emporium  of  lit-  eulogium. 
erature  and  commerce,  foreseeing  their  remote  con¬ 
sequences,  with  joyful  illuminations,  hastened  to 
render  to  her  son  a  portion  of  the  honour  by  which 
lie  has  made  her  so  illustrious  and  so  renowned.1 
With  joyful  illuminations !  Ah !  deplore  the 
wretched  reward,  if  the  follies  of  a  devastating 
luxury,  and*  magnificent  spectacles  giving  evidence 
of  corruption  and  slavery,  have  abolished  in  you 
the  august  traces  of  republican  simplicity.2  If  you 
still  nourish  any  feeble  sparks  of  ancient  virtue, 
confess  that  Athens  and  Rome,  while  erecting 
statues  to  Miltiades,  or  crowning  the  brow  of  Pos- 
tumius  with  a  wreath  of  myrtle,  exhibit  a  far  su¬ 
perior  greatness,  than  while  decreeing  three  hun¬ 
dred  statues  to  Valerian,  or  while  erecting  arches 
and  temples  to  Antony.3  Americus  received  at  the 


1  Band.  Vit.  d’Am.  Yesp.  p. 
xlv.  Though  such  festivities  are 
narrated  by  Band  ini  to  have  ta¬ 
ken  place  before  the  voyages  of 
Vespucius,  in  the  service  of  Por¬ 
tugal,  it  would  seem  that  they 
followed  the  voyage  of  1501  to 
Brazil.  The  reason  is,  because 
the  relation  to  Soderini  did  not 
arrive  in  Florence  till  after  the 
year  1504,  and  that  alone,  as  a 
public  document,  might  have 
given  rise  to  the  festivities. 

2  The  most  enlightened  sov¬ 
ereigns,  fathers  of  their  sub¬ 
jects,  have  always  abhorred  use¬ 
less  pomp.  For  example,  Adrian, 
Marcus  Aurelius,  and  Alexander 

Severus.  The  truly  philosophic 
character  of  Leopold,  Grand  Duke 

38 


of  Tuscany,  and  his  noble  refusal 
when  the  gratitude  of  the  people 
offered  him  an  equestrian  statue, 
may  be  cited  as  another  example. 

s  Cujus  victorige  non  alienum 
videtur  quale  praemium  Miltiadi 
sit  tributum  docere.  Ut  populi 
nostri  honores  quondam  fuerunt 
ran  et  tenues,  ob  eamque  causam 
gloriosi — sic  olim  apud  Athenienses 
fuisse  reperrimus.  Namque  huic 
Miltiadi — talis  honos  tributus  est 
in  Porticu  quae  Poecile  vocatur — 
ut  in  decern  Praetorum  numero 
prima  ejus  imago  poneretur — Idem 
ille  populus  postea  quam  corruptus 
est,  trecentas  statuas  Demetrio 
Phalerio  decrevit. —  Cor.  Nepos . 
Miltiades. 


29S 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


eulogium.  hands  of  his  native  country  the  illustrious  rewards 
of  a  respected  citizen,  while  Spain,  forgetful  of  the 
foreigner  who  boasted  no  titles  hut  those  of  courage 
and  genius,  rewarded  him  only  with  the  usual  sti¬ 
pend  of  a  faithful  subject.1  Great  men  are  certainly 
great  phenomena  in  nature  ;  rare  among  a  multi¬ 
tude  of  ordinary  productions,  and  unmoved  by  the 
confined  powers  of  vulgar  systems,  ythey  excite 
ideas  of  the  admirable,  and  present  to  the-  curious 
philosopher  an  immense,  perspective  of  new  combi¬ 
nations.  It  is  a  strange  misfortune  that  such  great 
similarity  of  endowment  is  coupled  with  so  differ¬ 
ent  a  fate,  and  that  a  great  phenomenon  may  be 
great  with  impunity,  while  a  great  man  cannot. 


1  Everything  convinces  me,  that 
in  1500,  a  cabal  was  in  operation 
to  ruin  Americus  with  the  court 
of  Spain,  although,  conscious  of 
his  rectitude,  and  the  benevolence 
of  the  king,  he  seemed  not  to 
have  feared  it.  It  is  certain,  that 
returning  from  his  second  voyage, 
he  was  very  ill-treated  at  the 
Antillas  by  the  companions  of 
Columbus.  “  I  think  through 
envy,”  he  says  himself.  Who 
can  be  persuaded  that  this  envy 
ended  in  the  Antillas,  and  did  not 
follow  him  to  Europe  ?  He  had 
scarcely  arrived  in  court,  when 
the  king,  moved  by  the  greatness 
of  his  services,  engages  him,  in  the 
same  year,  1500,  for  a  third  voy¬ 
age,  with  the  rank  of  commander 
of  three  vessels.  “  They  are  fit¬ 
ting  out  three  ships  for  me  here, 
and  I  think  they  will  be  ready  by 
the  middle  of  September.”  But 
behold  the  whole  face  of  things 


suddenly  changed.  In  spite  of 
the  esteem  of  the  king,  the  medi¬ 
tated  voyage  vanishes,  Americus 
leaves  Seville  secretly,  and,  in  the 
month  of  May  of  the  following 
year,  1501,  we  find  him  upon  the 
ships  of  Portugal.  This  change 
of  circumstances,  which  would  be 
in  vain  attributed  to  the  caprice 
or  inconstancy  of  Americus,  can¬ 
not  be  explained,  without  sup¬ 
posing  some  interference  of  his 
enemies.  Here  is  something  con¬ 
firmatory  of  this  view.  “  The 
Spaniards  having  shown  very  lit¬ 
tle  gratitude  to  him  (to  Vespu- 
cius)  for  all  his  discoveries,  their 
ingratitude  mortified  him  keenly. 
Emmanuel,  King  of  Portugal, 
jealous  of  the  success  of  the 
Catholic  kings,  informed  of  the 
dissatisfaction  of  V  espucius,  en¬ 
ticed  him  into  his  kingdom.” — • 
Nouv.  Diet.  Hist.  Art.  Americ, 
Vespuce. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


299 


Both  confront  prejudices  and  prostrate  them  ;  both  eulogium. 
contend  with  ignorant  pride,  and  confound  it.  But 
that  encounter,  and  that  contest,  which  render  a 
great  phenomenon  more  famous,  expose  the  great 
man  to  the  fatal  action  of  inexorable  circumstances, 
and  although  sometimes  he  is  triumphant,  he  is 
often  left  without  a  single  mark  of  his  triumph. 
Implacable  envy  resists  him  ;  dark  calumny  lace¬ 
rates  him  ;  he  who  was  yesterday  the  wonder  of 
his  age,  to-day  is  deserted  ;  and  at  the  sound  of  his 
ruin,  rewards  and  honours  desert  him.  This  is 
the  reason  why  history,  so  fertile  and  diffuse  in  the 
catalogue  of  celebrated  personages,  seems  so  limited 
and  barren  in  her  description  of  their  rewards.1 
Every  age  boasts  some  transcendent  spirits,  but 
not  in  every  age  are  found  generous  and  feeling 
hearts. 

This  cruel *tr uth  has  often  led  to  the  very  bor¬ 
ders  of  absurdity.  Superior  talents  seemed  an  un¬ 
fortunate  gift  of  Heaven,  and  in  order  to  hide  them 
from  the  jealousy  of  tyrants,  they  have  often  lan¬ 
guished  in  degradation  and  stupid  inaction.2  As  if 


1  The  large  dictionary  of  Moreri 
is  in  four  large  volumes,  and  might 
be  augmented.  We  grant  three 
quarters  of  the  work  to  the  names 
and  matters  which  are  foreign  to 
our  subject ;  the  names  of  truly 
great  men  would  occupy  hut  one 
volume  folio.  The  work  of  Du- 
Tillet,  “  An  Essay  upon  the  hon¬ 
ours  and  monuments  granted  to 
illustrious  scholars,”  is  a  little 
volume  in  12mo. 


2  Descartes  and  Newton,  by  con¬ 
cealing  themselves,  as  it  were,  are 
a  proof  of  it.  The  former  was  so 
disturbed  by  the  imprisonment  of 
Galileo,  that  he  was  on  the  point 
of  burning  all  his  writings — Tho¬ 
mas  Elog.  de  Descar. — the  latter 
suppressed  his  “Method  of  Flux¬ 
ions,”  discouraged  by  the  silly  ob¬ 
jections  with  which  his  discoveries 
were  assailed. — Montucla ,  t.  ii.  p. 
312. 


300 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


ETJLOGIUM. 


The  voyages 
of  Americas 
in  the  ser¬ 
vice  of  Por¬ 
tugal. 


the  moon  should  rftiounce  her  usual  course  to  ap¬ 
pease  the  barking’s  of  the  capricious  mastiff ;  or  the 
sun  cease  to  dispense  his  rays,  because  the  sense¬ 
less  Ethiop,  from  the  sultry  atmosphere  of  a  fiery 
zone,  throws  javelins  and  reproaches  at  it.1  Amer- 
icus  did  not  follow  such  counsels.  The  star  which 
is  never  darkened,  leaves  the  misty  horizon  in¬ 
volved  in  its  clouds,  and  sheds  its  light  elsewhere. 
See  him  upon  the  ships  of  Portugal,  making  the 
winds  and  the  ocean  show  him  the  new  line  of  the 
Vatican.2 

.AA,  .AA.  .AA.  AA.  AA,  AA.  AA  A£- 

'TV'  *7V  "A"  *7v*  'TV'  'A'  "/V  'TV 

*AA»  AA  AA  AA  AA  Al*  AA 

"TV*  '7V"  'tv  'TV  TV  *7v  Tv  'TV 


[The  programme  of  the  academy  required  the  in¬ 
troduction  of  some  eulogistic  remarks  respecting  the 
King  of  France  and  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
wdiich  the  writer  ingeniously  brought  in,  at  this 
place.  Being  foreign  to  the  subject,  they  are 
omitted. —  Trans .] 

But  was  Heaven  wearied  with  favouring  his  de¬ 
signs  ?  A  thick  mist  suddenly  darkens  the  seren¬ 
ity  of  the  day,  with  the  whispering  of  the  exaspe- 


i  Solem  orientem  occidentem- 
que  dira  imprecatione  contuentur 
(iEthiopes)  ut  exitralem  ipsis 
agrisque. — Plin.  1.  5.  c.  8.  -Per¬ 
haps  Job  alludes  to  this  custom 
when  he  speaks  of  those  who  curse 
the  day.  On  the  reverse  of  a  med¬ 
al  prepared  in  honour  of  the  im¬ 
mortal  poetess,  Corilla  Olimpica, 
the  sun  is  seen  pierced  with  ar¬ 
rows  by  some  Ethiopians,  with  the 
legend  taken  from  Job,  “  Who 
curse  the  day.” 


2  Alexander  VI.,  in  the  year 
1493,  issued  a  bull  in  which  (ta¬ 
king  100  leagues  beyond  *  the 
Azores,  an  ideal  meridian,  as  a 
line  of  demarcation)  he  conceded 
to  Spain  all  discoveries  to  be  made 
towards  the  West,  in  the  extent  of 
180  degrees,  and  to  Portugal  all 
those  which  should  be  made  to¬ 
wards  the  East  in  the  remaining 
180  degrees.  The  limit  was  af¬ 
terwards  changed. 


A3IE1UCUS  VESPUCIUS. 


301 


rated  winds  mingles  the  wild  hurst  of  thunder  and  eulogium. 
the  lurid  glare  of  the  lightning.  The  Atlantic  rolls 
a  thousand  whirlpools  beneath  the  trembling  fleet. 

His  companions  lose  all  hope,  and  without  knowing 
through  what  region  they  are  wandering,  or  where 
the  mad  encounter  of  the  waves  may  drive  them, 
feel  only  that  they  are  running  helplessly  to  ship¬ 
wreck  and  death.  Then  appeared  the  valour  of 
those  skilful  commanders,1 2  to  whom,  in  order  to 
undervalue  Americus,  the  merit  ol  the  discoveries 
is  attributed.  .Abominable  ignorance  and  pride ! 
Contemptible  band  of  greedy  traffickers  P  In  vain 
would  ye  have  invoked  with  your  dying  exclama¬ 
tions  the  impotent  riches  with  which  ye  had 
equipped  your  fleet,  had  not  Americus  come  to 
your  succour.  To  abandon  the  command,  to  grasp 
the  helm,  to  consult  the  faithful  instruments  of  his 
beloved  science,  and  restore  calmness  and  safety  to 
the  disheartened  mariners,  was  the  work  of  an  in- 


1  See  Tirab.  p.  189  ;  Diss.  Gi- 
ustif.  No.  34. 

2  Although  history  seems  to  jus¬ 
tify  the  idea  that  Americus  sailed 

•/ 

at  the  expense  of  the  sovereigns  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  it  is  very 
probable  that  after  the  first  voy¬ 
age  of  Columbus,  another  usage 
was  introduced  into  the  two  king¬ 
doms.  “  The  forces  of  Cortez 
were  not  supported  by  the  gov¬ 
ernment,  which,  in  the  attempts 
which  were  made  to  discover  new 
countries,  and  in  forming  new  es¬ 
tablishments,  gave  only  the  aid  of 
its  name.  All  was  executed  at 
the  expense  of  individuals,  who,  if 


fortune  had  abandoned  them,  would 
certainly  have  been  ruined.  But 
their  enterprises  always  extended 
the  dominions  of  the  mother  coun¬ 
try.  After  the  first  expeditions, 
she  never  formed  a  plan,  never 
opened  her  treasury,  never  re¬ 
cruited  any  troops. — Raynal ,  t. 
vi.  p.  53.  Thus  navigated  Ojeda, 
Pinzon,  &c. — Robert.  D.  i.  p.  294. 
Americus  himself  does  not  leave 
us  in  doubt  about  this,  when  he 
relates  what  share  he  had  in 'the 
sale  of  200  slaves,  which,  but  for 
that,  would  have  belonged  to  the 
crown. 


302 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


eulogium.  stant.  This  was  little.  He  returns  not  to  Nigritia, 
from  which  he  had  departed,  he  turns  not  to  some 
known  country,  where  he  may  rest  securely,  but 
not  fearing  the  absence  of  the  sun,  at  the  time 
tending  to  the  summer  solstice,  and  defying  the 
most  terrible  dangers,  he  follows  for  two  thousand 
miles  the  circle  of  the  equinoxes  ;  and,  victor  over 
the  storms  and  the  winter,  discovers  the  rich  coun¬ 
try  of  Brazil,  and  presents  it  in  homage  at  the  foot 
of  the  throne  of  Portugal.1 

Importance  It  was  in  Brazil  that  Americus  showed  the  great 

of  the  dis-  0  . 

CBrani°f  ^en^s  a  Theophrastus  and  a  Pliny.  A  passion¬ 
ate  admirer  of  nature,  full  of  lively  desire  to  search 
into  its  divine  beauties,  and  endowed  with  the 
finest  sensibility  to  feel  and  describe  them,  see  him 
wandering  with  ecstacy  through  the  woods  and 
over  the  mountains ;  arrested  at  the  sight  of  a  tree, 
a  bird,  or  a  stone;  gathering  the  beautiful  fruits, 
the  pure  gums  and  balsams ;  contemplating  with 
transport  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  temperature 
of  the  climate,  the  great  quantity  of  nutritious 
roots,  the  power  of  medicinal  juices,  the  health,  the 
vigour,  the  long  life  of  the  inhabitants,  and  cour¬ 
ageously  defying  the  naturalist  of  the  Old  World, 
to  find  in  Europe  or  Asia  so  much  to  interest  the 
student,  as  Brazil  alone  offers  at  every  step  to  the. 
observation  of  the  stranger.  Night  does  not  snatch 


1  Brazil  Avas  discovered  by  Ves-  for  various  reasons.  It  was  then 
pucius  while  he  was  navigating  for  carefully  visited,  and  almost  dis- 
Ferdinand  ( Diss .  Gius.  No.  71),  covered  anew,  by  him,  while  in 
but  Spain  made  no  account  of  it,  the  service  of  Portugal. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


303 


from  him  the  pompous  spectacle  of  the  earth,  but  eulogium. 
varies  his  delight  with  her  changing  meteors  and  her 
unchanging  lights  of  the  firmament.  He  will  tell  you 
the  magnitude  of  them,  their  places,  their  order,  and 
their  motions  d  he  will  enumerate  them ;  he  will 
draw  curious  figures  of  them  ;  that  the  South  may 
not  envy  the  North  its  advantages  and  its  fame,  he 
will  enrich  with  Southern  constellations2  the  in- 
teresting  catalogue  of  the  fixed  stars.  Ah !  where 
is  that  precious  volume  to  which  Vespucius  con¬ 
signed  such  vast  treasures  of  natural  science  and 

o 

astronomical  erudition !  What  unworthy  plot,  or 
what  secret  disaster,  caused  it  to  perish  miserably 
in  the  hands  of  a  sovereign,  who,  for  the  fortune 
and  glory  of  Portugal,  should  have  jealously  guard¬ 
ed  it?  Let  him  who  doubts  this  great  loss,  who 
pretends  that  this  important  work  still  lies  buried 
among  dusty  archives,  turn  to  Brazil,  and  explain, 
at  least,  how  this  happy  land  is  suddenly  trans¬ 
formed  into  an  abominable  and  cursed  land,  into  an 


.  i  The  Southern  Cross  is  per¬ 
haps  the  most  celebrated  of  the 
figures  or  constellations  observed 
by  Vespucius.  They  are  spoken 
of  as  an  admirable  order  of  stars, 
and  a  notable  circumstance,  by 
Andrea Corsali  and  Gonzalo  d’Ovi- 
edo. — Ramus,  t.  i.  p.  177,  D.  t.  iii. 
p.  73,  F.  Merian  also,  reflecting 
upon  the  famous  verses  of  Dante, 
thus  expresses  himself :  “  What  a 
wonderful  thing!  Those  four  stars 
are  found  in  the  place  indicated 
three  of  the  second  and  one  of  the 
third  magnitude — they  form  to¬ 


gether  the  most  brilliant  of  the 
circumpolar  constellations.  The 
foremost  has  nearly  62  degrees  of 
apparent  southern  declination,  and 
consequently  is  28  degrees  distant 
from  the  pole.  Let  us  imagine 
the  surprise  of  Americus  Vespu¬ 
cius,  when,  after  having  passed 
the  line  6  degrees,  he  suddenly 
discovered  those  stars,  and  recol¬ 
lected  immediately  the  verses  of 
the  poet  (or  shall  I  say,  of  the 
prophet?).” — Toscan.  Nouv.  Mem. 
de  Berlin ,  an.  1784,  p.  515. 

2  Riccoli  Aim.  Nov.  L.  6,  p.  410. 


t 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


304 


eulogium.  opprobrious  prison  for  the  wicked,  an  infamous 
•receptacle  for  the  dregs  of  a  kingdom.1 2  Ah !  if 
the  Portuguese,  no  less  greedy  than  the  Castilian, 
had  possessed  those  faithful  memorials  wherein 
Americus,  after  picturing  its  splendid  climate, 
gives  magnificent  descriptions  of  pearls,-  diamonds, 
and  sold,  full  well  I  know  that  Brazil  would  not 

o  / 

have  waited  two  centuries  to  become  the  delight 
and  the  treasury  of  Portugal.3 * 

Thoughts  The  consideration  of  this  speaking  example  en- 
,»e  civiiiza-  lightens  me.  How  can  we  hope  to  civ  ilize  America, 
American  if,  despising  her  when  she  is  poor,  and  running  to 

aborigines.  1  ~  , 

spoil  her  as  soon  as  she  proclaims  her  riches,  we 
give  ample  intimation  that  we  would  willingly 
change  a  savage  into  gold,  but  are  little  disposed  to 
change  him  into  a  citizen  or  a  scholar.  There 
gleams,  I  know  it  well,  in  Northern  America,  a 
splendid  Aurora  of  pleasing  hopes,5  and  from  the 
union  of  friendship  and  peace  which  binds  the 
shore-provinces  together,  I  have  a  right  to  augur  for 
the  West  more  fortunate  and  more  pleasing  days. 
Moral  culture  and  science  are  not  propagated  with. 


1  Raynal,  t.  ix.  p.  7. 

2  The  country  does  not  produce 
any  metal  except  gold,  of  which 
there  is  a  great  abundance.  They 
have  many  pearls  and  precious 
stones  ( Vesp .).  “What  negli¬ 
gence,  what  unskilfulness  in  those 
commissaries  who,  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  assured  the  court  of  Lis¬ 
bon  that  there  was  neither  gold 

nor  silver  to  be  found  there!” — 

Raynal ,  t.  ix.  p.  7. 

'  3  Raynal,  t.  ix.  p.  115. 


4  In  the  programme  of  the  Etrus¬ 
can  Academy,  it  is  also  desired 
that  in  the  Eulogy  of  Americus, 
some  notice  may  be  taken  of  the 
future  civilization  of  America,  and 
it  is  sketched  in  this  place. 

5  “  The  independence  of  the  An¬ 
glo-Americans  is  the  most  propi¬ 
tious  event  to  accelerating  the 
revolution  which  is  to  reproduce 
happiness  upon  earth.” — Genty ,  p. 
317. 


I 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS.  305 

the  celerity  of  light.1  How  many  generations  will  eulogtum. 
live  and  die,  how  many  ages  will  pass  away  before 
the  muses  find  a  kingdom  in  America,  with  its 
academies  and  lyceums  equalling  the  number  of  the 
bulwarks  which  encircle  her  mines.  Perhaps  the 
wandering  inhabitants  of  those  rich  forests  will  re¬ 
sist  forever  the  social  yoke  of  which  they  feel  not 
the  necessity  ;2  perhaps  they  will  never  be  able  to 
extirpate  from  the  spirit  of  a  Patagonian  and  a  can¬ 
nibal  those  ideas  that  are  insuperably  opposed  to 
instruction,  and  close  every  avenue  to  images  of  the 
beautiful  and  the  true  ;  perhaps,  being  contented 
with  merely  inspiring  their  limited  understandings 
with  a  religious  feeling,  and  then  leaving  them  in 
their  native  infancy,  will  have  a  less  evil  tendency 
than  bringing  them  to  that  indefinable  compound 
of  knowledge  and  vice,  which  constitutes,  in  fact, 
the  superiority  of  European  worship  over  that  of 
the  ignorant  native.  Who  can  say  whether  there 
will  ever  be  on  the  earth  generous  mortals  to  at¬ 
tempt  the  laborious  enterprise,  and  who  will  have 
the  heart  and  the  head  to  succeed  in  it?3  We 

1  It  must  not  be  expected  that  2  The  sentiment  is  from  Plato, 
every  thing  will  be  reduced  to  or-  “  For  when  they  asked  him  (the 
der  in  a  few  years,  and  that  the  Cyreneans  asked  Plato)  to  write 
present  generation  will  enjoy  the  some  laws  for  them,  and  bring  the 
enchanting  spectacle  of  general  fe-  people  into  some  kind  of  order,  he 
licity. — Genty ,  p.  316.  While  I  said  it  was  a  difficult  thing  to 
was  thinking  thus,  in  the  year  introduce  law's  for  the  happy  Cy- 
1788,  the  greatest  men,  Borda,  reneans,  for  that  nothing  must  be 
La  Grange,  La  Place,  Monge,  taken  away  from  men  without 
and  Condorcet,  were  writing  sim-  their  consent.” — Plutarch.  Lucul - 
ilar  words  in  France. — Hist,  de  lus.  Raynal  makes  the  same  re- 
Acad.  R.  des  Sci .  an.  1738,  flection,  t.  vii.  p.  65. 
p;  10.  3  He  (Tupia,  a  native  of  Tahiti) 


* 


39 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


306 

eulogium.  find  but  two  examples  through  the  long  course  of 
three  centuries,  Americas  and  Las  Casas,  who 
may  be  cited  as  the  possessors  of  such  qualities. 
But  Las  Casas,  with  superhuman  talent,  and  with 
the  celestial  fervour  which  animated  him,  wanted 
power  and  assistance  ;  and  Americus,  now  bent 
with  the  weight  of  laurels  and  years^  could  only 
point  the  Europeans  to  the  blameless  path  which 
he  had  marked  out  for  their  guidance, 

The  name  Permit  me  to  pass  over  in  silence  his  other  pas- 

Ws^ward^  sage  across  the  line,  and  the  little  he  received  from 
repentant  Castile.  All  is  little,  all  is  common,, 
after  what  I  have  told  you.  Let  it  suffice  that  the 
universe,  astonished  at  his  deeds,  regarded  him  as 
the  confidant  of  the  stars,  as  the  father  of  cosmog¬ 
raphy,  as  the  wonder  of  navigation,  and  having,  by 
the  unanimous  suffrages  of  all  nations,  abolished 
that  primitive  denomination,  the  New  World,  willed 
that  the  continent  should  derive  its  name  from 
Americus  alone,  and  with  sublime  gratitude  and 
justice,  secured  that  reward  to  him,  and  an  eternity 
of  fame.  But,  will  you  believe  it  ?  Italy,  though  a 
participator  in  his  glory,  and  England,  though  en¬ 
lightened  and  sagacious,  still  nourish  hearts  so  un¬ 
grateful  and  minds  so  narrow,  that  they  have  not 

was  in  fact  a  more  proper  person,  ideas,  those  intermediate  links 
perhaps,  than  any  European  what-  which  unite  the  weak  notions  of 
ever,  to  bring  them  to  a  civil  and  such,  people  to  the  extended  sphere 
social  state,  because  some  of  our  of  our  own  knowledge. — Cook ,  b. 
people  knew  how  to  take  the  short-  v.  p.  263.  On  the  incapacity  of 
est  and  most  efficacious  way  in  in-  the  Europeans  for  converting  the 
etructing  them,  not  seeing  exactly,  Americans,  see  also  Robertson , 
in  the  progress  of  their  elementary  Hist,  of  America. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


307 


only  dishonoured  with  satire  the  incomparable  eqlogium. 
deeds  of  Vespucius,  but,  expostulating  loudly 
against  the  unanimous  decree  of  the  nations,  have 
made  it  criminal  in  Americus  that  his  name  has 
been  thus  adopted,  and  have  depicted  him  in  the 
black  colours  of  an  ambitious  usurper.  O  shame  ! 

O  blindness  !  Should  not  Italy  remember  Mezio ; 
England,  Guerk  ;  and  both,  the  renowned  Conon  1 
The  artist  of  Holland  fabricated  that  admirable  tel¬ 
escope  which  is  called  Galilean  j1  the  consul  of 
Madgeburgh2  invented  that  interesting  machine 
which  bears  the  name  of  Boyle ;  the  geometrician 
of  Samos  described  the  celebrated  curve  which  was 
afterwards  called  Archimedean ;  and  he  deserves  to 
give  his  name  to  a  country  who  first  had  the  in¬ 
trepidity  to  penetrate  or  conquer  it,  rather  than  he 
who  is  satisfied  to  reconnoitre  it  at  a  distance.3 

No,  it  is  not  true  that  death  silences  envy.  After  Death  and 

7  J  memory  of 

fifty  lustrums,  the  memory  and  the  ashes  of  Amer-  Americus. 
icus  are  insulted.  Oh  !  if  his  native  country,  whose 
name  he  always  bore  engraved  on  his  affectionate 
heart,  if  the  gentle  friends  among  whom  he  longed 
to  pass  his  last  days,  could  have  foreseen  his  un- 


1  Montucla,  Hist,  des  Mathem., 
tom.  ii.  p.  166. 

2  Newton.  Opt.  L.  2,  part  3, 
prop.  8. 

3  Montucla,  Hist,  des  Mathem., 
t.  i.  p.  237,  where  he  concludes 
with  these  words,  which  are  lite¬ 
rally  adapted  to  Americus  :  “  He 
who  penetrates  farthest  into  a 
country,  has  a  better  title  to  give  it 


his  name,  thar^he  who  only  recon¬ 
noitres  it.”  Americus  first  made 
the  conquest  of  this  country,  not 
by  sacking  and  depopulating  it, 
but  by  discovering  it,  by  penetra¬ 
ting  it,  by  observing  its  immense 
riches,  and  by  giving  a  minute  ac¬ 
count  of  it. — Lettera  al .  Sig.  P . 
Allegrini ,  p.  11. 


% 


308 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


bulogium.  worthy  fate,  with  what  proofs,  with  what  authentic 
testimonies,  would  they  not  have  disarmed  the  ran¬ 
cour  of  an  incredulous  posterity !  But,  placing  too 
much  confidence  in  the  rich  light  that  encircled  the 
citizen  and  the  friend,  they  wept  his  loss  with  bit¬ 
terness,  though  they  neglected  to  establish  his  glo¬ 
ry.  He  died.1  Seek  for  his  sepulchre  in  Terceira, 
in  the  bosom  of  the  ocean,  between  the  two  conti¬ 
nents  which  are  indebted  to  him  for  power  and 
name.2  How  much  better  could  we  show  the 
stranger  his  monument  in  his  own  land !  in  the 
midst  of  us !  Look  at  the  urn  of  Galileo  :  does  it 
not  seem  to  want  at  its  side  the  tomb  and  image  of 
Vespucius?  The  memory  of  the  two  divine  ge¬ 
niuses  who  discovered  so  large  a  part  of  the  earth 
and  of  the  heavens,  would  arrest  the  steps  of  the 
traveller,  and  while  redoubling  his  encomiums  on 
the  famous  Florentine,  he  would  confess  with  trans¬ 
port,  that  the  Athens  of  Italy  was  not  contented 
with  producing  great  men,  but  knew  also  how  to 
value  the  honour  of  having  produced  them.3 


1  “Americus  Vespucius  died  in 
Terceira,  one  of  the  Azore  Islands, 
and  it  is  the  common  opinion  that 
his  death  happened  in  1508.  Oth¬ 
ers  think,  on  the  authority  of  the 
archives,  that  he  died  in  Seville 
in  1512,  but  the  archives  are  en¬ 
titled  to  credit  only  when  they  can 
be  found  by  all.”  Canovai  was 
undoubtedly  in  error  as  to  the  place 
of  the  death  of  Americus. —  Trans. 

2  Between  America  and  Spain 
lie  the  Azores,  nine  islands  which 

are  called  Flandricae,  from  the  dis¬ 


coverer  Flandro. — Chev.  Intr.  in 
Un.  Geogr.  p.  666.  The  Indians 
alone,  can  be  ignorant  that  the  dis¬ 
covery  of  America  has  produced 
the  power  of  Europe.  Thus  she 
has  known  how  to  profit  by  it ! — 
Genty ,  p.  211,  &c. 

3  Averani  was  accustomed  to 
say,  that  “  Galileo  and  Vespucius 
had  so  ordered  it,  that  we  could 
not  raise  our  eyes  to  heaven,  nor 
cast  them  down  to  the  earth,  with¬ 
out  remembering  the  glory  of  the 
Florentines.”-^l^araf.  t.  iv.  p.  1 37. 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


309 


EULOGIUM, 


TRANSLATOR’S  REMARKS. 

The  foregoing  Eulogium  produced  a  great  sen¬ 
sation  in  Italy.  It  was  one  of  the  first  fruits  of 
the  influence,  then  just  beginning  to  be  felt,  of  the 
vast  intellectual  activity  which  pervaded  France  at 
the  period  of  its  delivery.  The  strongest  French 
writers  of  the  Republican  Era,  whose  works  and 
speeches  upon  the  inalienable  rights  of  man  were 
then  electrifying  the  world,  found  nowhere  a  readier 
response  than  that  which  came  from  the  ardent 
hearts  of  the  Patriots  of  the  Italian  States.  The 
reader  cannot  have  failed  to  remark  the  warm  and 
enthusiastic  love  of  country  which  dictated  many 
of  the  sentences  of  the  Eulogist.  Immediately  fol¬ 
lowing  its  delivery  and  publication  societies  and 
clubs  sprang  into  existence  in  every  part  of  the 
Peninsula,  whose  object  was  to  furnish  premiums 
for  similar  orations,  devoted  to  the  illustration  of 
the  lives  and  characters  of  the  many  scientific  and 
patriotic  men  who  had,  in  previous  ages,  shed  lus¬ 
tre  on  the  annals  of  the  old  Republics.  Too  deeply 
fired  with  national  feeling  to  suit  the  ruling  pow¬ 
ers,  many  of  these  productions  never  saw  the  light ; 
but,  passing  from  hand  to  hand  in  manuscript,  they 
made  many  a  youthful  heart  glow  with  brighter 
hopes  for  his  country,  and  prepared  in  advance  a 
warm  welcome  for  the  French  armies  when  they 
came  victoriously  over  the  Alps. 


312 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


eulogium.  an  occasion,  or  rather  a  necessity  for  putting  my 
design  into  execution,  would  offer  so  soon.  The 
dissertation  sprang  up  under  my  pen  in  a  few  days, 
and  I  only  gave  it  to  the  Academy  and  the  public 
as  an  essay,  showing  what  might  be  said  in  favour 
of  the  accused  Vespucius,  since  the  weakness  of 
his  defender^  has  greatly  augmented  the  audacity 
of  his  enemies. 

The  history  The  convenience  I  derived  from  finding  mvself 

of  Tirabos-  #  o  j 

chi.  furnished  by  Tiraboschi  alone  with  all  that  has  been 
invented  against  Americus,  made  me  prefer  the 
“  History  of  Italian  Literature”  to  all  other  works. 
I  have  quoted  it,  and  I  have  attacked  it  more  freely 
than  usual,  as  a  new  collection  of  observations,  of 
authorities,  of  information,  which  that  historian 
either  suppressed  or  did  not  value,  and  particularly 
as  the  frequent  complaint  of  various  writers,  have 
obliged  me  to  consider  its  criticism  and  its  apathy 
with  more  serious  attention.” 


i 


* 


II. 

•  V 

A  NARRATIVE 

•  • 

ADDRESSED  TO 

LORENZO  DI  PIER-FRANCESCO  DE’  MEDICI; 

Giving  an  Account  of  the  Voyage  and  Discoveries  of  Vasco  de  Gama 
beyond  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  the  Authorship  of  which,  has 
been  attributed  to  Americus  Vespucius. 

The  following  letter  is  given  by  Bandini,  in  one 
edition  of  his  44  Vita  e  Lettere/'  as  a  veritable  pro¬ 
duction  of  Americus.  Canovai  rejects  it,  and  does 
not  publish  it  in  his  work.  In  his  preface,  he  writes 
respecting  it  as  follows  :  44  To  him  who  asks  me 
why  I  do  not  publish  in  this  work  4  The  Relation  of 
the  Voyage  of  Gama,’  freely  attributed  to  Americus 
by  Bandini,  and  printed  with  the  direction  to  De7 
Medici,  among  his  other  letters,  I  would  reply  with¬ 
out  hesitation,  that  I  cannot  believe  it  to  be  a  work 
of  Vespucius.  It  is  demonstrated  not  to  be  by  the 
assertion  of  Ramusio,  that  4  the  Relation  was  writ¬ 
ten  by  a  Florentine  gentleman,  who  happened  to 
be  in  Lisbon  at  the  return  of  said  fleet.’  Gama  re¬ 
turned  to  Lisbon  while  Americus  was  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  as  far  as  we  know,  he  was  not  again 
in  Portugal  before  1501. 

Leaving  as  a  matter  of  controversy  this  state¬ 
ment  of  Ramusio,  Bandini  adds  that  in  the  Riccar- 

40 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA 


Reasons  of 
Canovai  for 
discrediting 
the  narra¬ 
tive. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


314 

VOYAGE 

OP 

DE  GAMA. 


* 

I 

diano  records  u  the  diction  and  the  character  are 
those  of  Vespucius.”  This  is  a  most  erroneous  as¬ 
sertion  with  regard  to  the  diction,  for  it  is  certain 
that  the  slightest  comparison  of  the  letter  to  De’ 
Medici  with  the  “  Relation  of  the  Voyage  of  Gama” 
(consecutive  pieces  in  those  records)  is  sufficient 
to  convince  one  at  a  glance  that  the  two  writings, 
though  perhaps  in  the  same  character,  cannot  be 
the  production  of  the  same  author.  The  letter 
speaks  of  latitudes,  longitudes,  astronomical  meth¬ 
ods,  American  languages,  &c.,  and  speaks  of  them 
in  a  certain  peculiar  style,  and  with  words  and 
phrases  so  purely  Spanish,  that  it  displays  dis¬ 
tinctly  the  genius  of  him  who  wrote  it,  and  par¬ 
ticularly  the  mingled  idiom  which  he  used  in  wri¬ 
ting.  Now  there  is  none  of  this  in  the  Narrative. 
We  find  there,  in  the  most  simple  Tuscan  language, 
a  description  of  the  popular  customs  of  Calicut, 
the  merchandise,  the  prices  of  the  most  valuable 
commodities,  the  money  current  in  trade,  the  traffic 
which  might  be  carried  on  there  with  European 
productions,  the  time  necessary  to  transport  them 
from  Lisbon  ;  yet  with  all  his  various  accounts  of 
gems,  spices,  and  dye-wood,  the  latitude  of  the 
country  is  never  mentioned.  Is  it  possible  that 
Amerieus  would  have  treated  the  subject  so  stu¬ 
pidly  ? 

But  the  most  decisive  reason  against  Bandini,  is 
an  inscription  in  the  same  character  as  that  of  the 
Narrative,  which  appears  on  the  manuscript,  “  Copy 
of  a  letter  from  the  King  of  Portugal.”  The  Ric- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


315 


cardiano  Narrative  is  then  a  copy,  and  not  a  letter 
from  Americus.  In  fact,  by  what  we  can  gather 
from  his  few  hints  at  the  close  of  his  first  letter  to 
De’  Medici,  he  was  not  then  so  greatly  enamoured 
with  the  voyage  of  Gama  as  to  write  a  relation  of 
it.  That  Admiral  did  nothing  but  reach  a  particu¬ 
lar  destination  by  a  new  route.” 

Notwithstanding  these  arguments  of  Canovai,  it 
is  certainly  within  the  range  of  possibility  that  the 
Narrative  was  written  by  Americus.  He  admits 
that  the  character  of  the  handwriting  was  similar 
to  that  of  the  Letter  to  De  Medici  in  the  Riccardi- 
ano  records ;  and  the  fact  that  the  style  was  not 
corrupted  by  Spanish  idioms,  would  weigh  as 
strongly  against  at  least  one  of  his  letters,  which 
is  well  authenticated,  as  against  the  Narrative. 
That  Americus  was  not  in  Portugal  at  the  date  of 
the  arrival  of  De  Gama,  is  well  known,  but  neither 
that  fact,  nor  the  circumstance  that  he  made  no 
mention  of  the  latitudes  of  ports  which  were  visit¬ 
ed,  is  of  much  importance  in  the  consideration  of 
the  authorship.  It  is  very  possible  that  Americus 
prepared  the  statement  from  the  words  of  one  of 
the  companions  of  De  Gama,  for  the  information 
of  his  patron,  either  before  or  after  his  return  from 
his  first  voyage  to  the  West,  in  the  service  of  Por¬ 
tugal,  in  which  case  he  could  not,  of  course,  fix 
the  geographical  positions  of  the  places  visited, 
from  his  own  knowledge. 

The  Narrative,  in  its  general  features,  bears 
marks  of  similarity  to  the  other  writings  of  Amer- 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA. 


The  argu¬ 
ments  6f 
Canovai 
considered. 


316 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA. 


ieus.  It  is  devoted  to  a  subject  which  would  very 
naturally  have  employed  his  pen,  and  is  addressed 
to  one  who  had  long  been  his  correspondent  and 
patron.  Although  in  one  of  his  letters  Americus 
appears  rather  disposed  to  undervalue  the  expedi¬ 
tion  of  De  Gama,  when  considered  in  the  light  of  a 
voyage  of  discovery,  yet  he  speaks  of  the  great 
profit  which  he  thinks  will  be  derived  from  another 
expedition  about  to  sail  to  the  same  parts.  This 
was  probably  the  very  reason  which  led  to  the 
composition  of  the  Narrative,  for  it  contains  much 
matter  of  mercantile  interest,  valuable  to  a  person 
as  extensively  engaged  in  commerce  as  De  Medici 
was  at  that  time. 

Canovai  may  have  been  correct  in  rejecting  this 
narrative  as  not  authentic,  for  no  positive  proof  can 
be  adduced  that  it  was  so.  The  impression  which 
the  document  itself  produces  upon  the  mind  of  the 
reader  is,  however,  of  some  weight  in  the  solution 
of  the  question,  and  in  connection  with  its  intrinsic 
interest,  this  consideration  has  led  to  its  publication 
in  this  work.  The  following  translation  has  been 
made  from  a  German  version  of  Bandini,  published 
in  Hamburg  in  1748.  A  very  limited  number  of 
copies,  of  that  edition  of  the  Italian  biographer, 
which  contained  the  Narrative,  were  printed,  and 
the  one  in  possession  of  the  translator  having  been 
unfortunately  stolen,  just  as  the  translation  was 
about  to  be  made,  it  was  found  impossible  to  pro¬ 
cure  another  copy  in  America. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


317 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA 

THE  RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  GAMA.  ~ 

The  vessels  which  our  gracious  King  of  Portugal 
sent  upon  this  voyage  of  discovery  were  three  new 
caravels,  namely,  two  of  ninety  tons  burden  each, 
and  one  of  fifty  tons,  besides  a  ship  of  one  hundred 
and  ten  tons,  which  was  laden  with  provisions. 

These  vessels  were  manned  by  one  hundred  and 
eighteen  men,  and  sailed  on  the  19th  of  July,  1497, 
under  the  Captain  Vasco  de  Gama,  from  Lisbon. 

On  the  10th  of  July,  1499,  the  caravel  of  fifty  tons 
returned  to  the  city  of  Lisbon.  The  Captain  Vas¬ 
co  de  Gama  remained  with  one  of  the  caravels  of 
ninety  tons  at  the  Cape  Y  erd  Islands,  in  order  that 
lie  might  put  his  son,  Paul  de  Gama,  on  shore,  for 
he  was  sick  unto  death.  They  had  previously 
burnt  the  other  caravel,  because  they  had  too  few 
people  to  man  her  properly,  and  also  the  vessel 
which  acted  as  tender,  because  she  was  not  sea¬ 
worthy.  %  On  the  return  voyage  fifty-five  of  the 
crew  died,  of  a  sickness  which  commenced  in  the 
mouth  and  spread  back  into  the  throat,  and  also 
caused  those  who  were  attacked  with  it,  great  pain 
in  the  legs  from  the  knees  to  the  feet. 

They  have  discovered  new  lands  about  one  hun-  Discovery 
dred  and  eighty  miles  from  that  already  discovered, 
which  bears  the  name  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  GoodPHope. 
and  was  visited  in  the  time  of  King  John.  Coast¬ 
ing  this  shore  for  about  six  hundred  miles,  they  met 


318 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


voyage  with  a  great  river,  and  at  the  mouth  of  the  same  a 
DE  GAMA,  large  village  inhabited  entirely  by  negroes,  who  are 
subject  to  the  Moors  that  live  in  the  interior,  and 
have  conquered  them  in  war.  In  this  river  there 
is  an  abundance  of  gold,  as  the  negroes  have  showed 
them ;  they  told  our  people,  that  if  they  would  re¬ 
main  there  a  month,  they  would  provide  them  an 
immense  quantity  of  gold.  The  commander,  how¬ 
ever,  would  not  tarry,  but  sailed  onward. 

When  we  had  progressed  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  miles,  he  found  a  large  town  surrounded 
by  a  wall,  whose  inhabitants  were  grey  like  the 
Indians,  with  very  handsome  houses  built  of  stone 
and  chalk,  after  the  Moorish  fashion.  They  land¬ 
ed  there.  The  Moorish  King  of  the  country  saw 
them  arrive  with  pleasure,  and  furnished  them 
with  a  pilot  to  conduct  them  across  the  Gulf.  The 
name  of  this  place  was  Melinda,  and  it  lies  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Great  Gulf,  the  entire  shore  of 
which  is  inhabited  by  Moors.  The  pilot,  whom 
the  King  of  Melinda  gave  them,  spoke  the  Italian 
language. 

Departure  They  sailed  from  Melinda  across  the  Gulf,  a 
from^MeUn-  YOyage  0f  about  seven  hundred  miles  in  extent, 

and  then  came  to  a  large,  town,  inhabited  by 
Christians,  which  is  much  larger  than  Lisbon,  and 
is  called  Calicut,  The  entire  coast  of  this  gulf  is 
reported  to  be  inhabited,  and  covered  with  Moorish 
towns  and  castles  in  every  direction.  At  the  upper 
end  of  this  gulf  is  a  strait,  and  on  passing  through 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


319 


this  strait  the  voyager  comes  to  another  hay  or 
sea;  on  the  right  hand,  which  is  the  Red  Sea. 
From  this  strait  to  the  temple  at  Mecca,  where 
Mahomet’s  coffin  is  suspended,  it  is  not  more  than 
three  days’  journey.  Round  about  this  temple  of 
Mecca  is  a  large  town  inhabited  by  Moors.  Accord¬ 
ing  to  my  opinion  this  gulf  is  the  same  which  Pliny 
speaks  of,  and  which,  he  says,  was  reached  by  Alex¬ 
ander  in  his  campaigns,  and  which  the  Romans 
also  arrived  at  in  their  wars. 

Now  to  speak  more  at  length  of  the  town  of 
Calicut.  It  is  larger  than  Lisbon,  and  is  inhabited 
by  a  race  of  Christian  Indians,  who  are  of  an  ash- 
grey  colour,  and  neither  black  nor  white.  They 
have  churches  with  bells,  but  neither  have  they 
any  priests,  nor  do  they  make  any  offerings.  Thev 
use  in  their  churches  a  basin  with  water,  as  we 
use  the  holy  water,  and  another  vessel  very  similar 
to  a  censer.  Every  three  years  they  baptize  in 
the  river  which  flows  by  the  town.  In  the  town 
their  houses  are  built  of  stone  and  chalk,  and  strait 
streets  are  laid  out,  as  regular  as  those  in  Italy. 
The  monarch  of  the  country  is  very  splendidly  ap¬ 
parelled,  and  maintains  a  royal  retinue  of  servitors, 
squires,  and  chamberlains,  and  has,  moreover,  a 
very  beautiful  palace. 

When  the  commander  of  these  vessels  arrived 
there,  the  King  was  absent  from  the  city,  at  a  cas¬ 
tle  five  or  six  miles  distant.  The  moment  he  heard 
the  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  Christians,  he  imme¬ 
diately  came  to  the  city  with  a  guard  of  five  thou- 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA. 


Description 
of  the  city 
of  Calicut. 


320 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA. 


The  Moor¬ 
ish  mer¬ 
chants  of 
Calicut. 


sand  men.  Before  him  stood  a  body-guard,  whose 
lances  were  tipped  with  silver.  The  Christians 
were  received  in  a  room  where  the  King  reclined 
on  a  low  couch.  The  floor  of  this  room  was  cov¬ 
ered  with  white  cloth,  beautifully  embroidered  with 
gold  thread.  Over  the  couch  was  suspended  a 
most  sumptuous  canopy.  The  King  immediately 
inquired  of  the  commander  what  he  desired.  The 
commander  answered  that  it  was  customary 
among  Christians,  whenever  an  ambassador  laid 
his  embassy  before  a  monarch,  that  he  should  do 
so  privately,  and  not  in  public.  The  King  at  once 
ordered  all  those  persons  who  were  present  to  re¬ 
tire,  and  the  commander  then  said  to  him,  that  a 
long  time  had  elapsed  since  the  King  of  Portugal 
had  heard  of  his  grandeur  and  magnificence,  and 
as  he  was  a  Christian  King,  and  had  a  desire  to 
cultivate  his  friendship,  therefore  he  had  sent  him 
as  an  ambassador  to  visit  him,  as  wTas  customary 
among  the  monarchs  of  Christendom.  The  King 
received  this  message  most  graciously,  and  com¬ 
manded  that  the  ambassador  should  be  taken  to 
the  house  of  a  very  rich  Moor,  and  sumptuously 
entertained  there. 

In  this  city  live  many  extremely  wealthy  mer¬ 
chants,  and  the  whole  power  of  the  kingdom  is  in 
their  hands.  They  have  a  magnificent  mosque  in 
the  market-place.  The  actions  of  the  King  are  en¬ 
tirely  under  the  control  of  a  few  of  the  principal  men 
among  these  Moors,  either  on  account  of  the  presents 
which  they  make  him,  or  in  consequence  of  their 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


321 


intrigues.  They  have  the  entire  government  in  voyage 

OF 

their  hands,  for  the  Christians  are  stupid  people,  de  gama. 
and  hut  little  given  to  intrigue. 

Every  kind  of  spice  is  found  in  this  city  of  Cali¬ 
cut  ;  cinnamon,  pepper,  cloves,  ginger,  frankincense, 
besides  inestimable  quantities  of  gumlac  and  san¬ 
dal  wood,  of  which  all  the  forests  are  full.  These 
spices,  however,  do  not  grow  in  this  neighbourhood, 
but  in  certain  islands  distant  about  one  hundred 
and  sixty  miles  from  the  city.  These  islands  are 
only  about  a  mile  distant  from  the  shore,  but  by 
land  it  is  twenty  days’  journey  there.  They  are 
inhabited  both  by  Moors  and  Christians,  but  the 
Moors  are  the  masters. 

In  the  town  of  Calicut  the  majority  of  the  coin  The  curren- 

J  J  cy  of  the 

which  is  current  consists  of  serafi  of  fine  gold,  a  country, 
coin  of  the  Sultans,  weighing  two  or  three  grains 
less  than  our  ducat,  and  which  is  here  called  sera- 
fino.  They  have  also  a  few  Genoese  and  Vene¬ 
tian  ducats,  as  well  as  a  small  silver  coin,  with  the 
Sultan’s  stamp  on  it.  There  are  large  quantities 
of  silk  goods  in  Calicut,  and  velvet  of  all  colours, 
besides  a  cloth  made  very  much  like  velvet.  Dam¬ 
ask,  taffeta,  and  fine  plush  abound.  I  think  that 
most  of  these  stuffs  are  brought  from  Cairo. 

The  Portuguese  remained  three  months  in  this 
city,  namely,  from  the  19th  of  May  to  the  25th  of 
August,  during  which  time  they  saw  an  innumera¬ 
ble  quantity  of  Moorish  ships.  They  .say  that 
fifteen  hundred  Moorish  ships,  laden  with  spices, 
sail  from  this  port.  Their  largest  vessels  are  not 

41 


322 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


voyage  over  two  hundred  tons  burden.  They  are  of  vari- 
DE  GAMA,  ous  kinds,  some  large  and  some  small,  but  have  only 
one  mast,  and  they  never  try  to  sail  them  excepting 
before  the  wind.  On  this  account  it  often  happens 
that  they  have  to  wait  from  four  to  six  months  for 
a  fair  wind,  and  are  not  unfrequently  shipwrecked. 
They  are  constructed  in  a  most  singular  manner, 
are  very  weak,  and  carry  no  arms  or  ordnance.* 
The  ships  which  sail  to  the  Spice  Islands,  to  bring 
spices  to  Calicut,  are  flat-bottomed,  and  draw  but 
very  little  water.  Some  of  them  are  made  without 
the  least  particle  of  iron,  because  they  are  obliged 
to  pass  over  the  magnet,  which  lies  not  far  from 
these  islands.  All  these  vessels,  when  they  are  at 
the  city,  lie  inside  of  a  pier  at  the  Lagoon,  and  only 
furl  their  sails  when  the  sea  is  high,  because  they  * 
are  here  safe  from  winter  and  the  sea.  There  is 
no  good  haven  there,  and  the  sea  flows  and  ebbs 
every  six  hours,  as  it  does  with  us.  There  are 
often  in  port  at  the  same  time  from  five  to  six  hun¬ 
dred  ships,  which  is  a  great  number. 

Prices  of  the  Cinnamon  costs  in  this  city  from  ten  to  twelve 
tfeielTof1 pro-  ducats,  for  what  with  us  would  weigh  about  five 
dUCe  stones,  that  being  about  the  highest  price,  that  is, 
ten  to  twelve  serafi.  In  the  islands  where  it  is 
gathered,  it  is  not  worth  so  much,  of  course.  Pep¬ 
per  and  cloves  are  worth  about  the  same ;  ginger 
about  one  half  less.  Gumlac  is  worth  almost  no¬ 
thing,  for  there  is  so  much  of  it,  that  they  use  it  to 
ballast  their  ships,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of 
sandal  wood,  of  which  the  forests  are  full.  They 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


323 


will  receive  nothing  in  payment  but  gold  and  silver. 
Corals  and  our  usual  wares  they  value  but  little, 
with  the  exception  of  linen.  This  would  be  a  good 
article  to  send  there,  because  the  sailors  made  some 
very  good  bargains,  by  exchanging  their  shirts  for 
spices,  but  the  linen  must  be  very  line,  and  white 
bleached.  They  are  at  present  obliged  to  get  it 
from  Cairo.  There  are  the  same  custom  duties 
there  as  with  us  ;  all  imports  pay  five  per  centum. 

-  The  voyagers  brought  back  very  few  precious 
stones,  and  these  of  no  great  value,  because  they 
had  no  gold  and  silver  to  buy  them  with,  and  they 
say  they  are  very  costly.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  pearls  would  be  a  good  article  to  buy  there, 
but  all  which  the  Portuguese  saw,  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  Moorish  merchants,  who  wished  to 
sell  them  at  a  fourfold  price,  as  is  their  common 
custom.  They  have  only  brought  a  few  sapphires 
and  brilliants,  and  a  peculiar  kind  of  rubies,  and  a 
considerable  number  of  garnets.  They  say  that  the 
commander  has  brought  some  very  costly  stones. 
He  took  his  silver  with  him,  and  bartered  it  all  for 
precious  stones. 

Spices  are  brought  to  this  Christian  town  by 
ships,  which  afterwards  cross  the  great  gulf,  over 
which  the  Portuguese  came,  and  pass  into  the  strait 
before  mentioned.  Then  they  sail  through  the  Red 
Sea.  From  thence  the  journey  is  performed  by 
land  to  the  temple  at  Mecca,  which  is  thirty-six 
days’  journey.  Still  further  on,  they  journey  on  the 
way  to  Cairo,  crossing  Mount  Sinai  on  foot,  and 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA. 


Precious 

stones. 


I 


324 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


voyage  again  still  further  across  the  desert,  where,  as  t  lie v 
de  gIma.  say,  the  high  winds  raise  mountains  of  sand  into 
the  air,  and  bury  travellers  who  journey  there. 
Some  of  their  ships  sail  to  the  towns  on  the  gulf, 
and  others  to  the  river  before  mentioned,  where  the 
negroes  live,  who  have  been  subjected  by  the  Moors 
of  the  interior.  The  Portuguese  found  in  store,  in 
this  Christian  town,  butts  of  malmsey  wine  from 
Candia,  which,  as  well  as  their  wares,  must,  in  my 
opinion,  have  been  brought  from  Cairo. 

Arrival  of  It  is  about  eighty  years  since  there  arrived  at 
Calicut.  at  this  town  of  Calicut  some  vessels  navigated  by 
white  Christians,  with  long  hair  like  the  Germans. 
They  wore  long  mustachios  on  the  upper  lip,  but 
with  that  exception,  were  shaved  after  the  common 
fashion,  like  the  courtiers  at  Constantinople.  The 
men  were  provided  with  cuirasses,  and  wore  caps 
and  ruffs.  They  carried  weapons  similar  to  spears. 
On  board  of  their  ships  they  used  short  arms  like 
our  own.  Ever  since  their  first  arrival,  a  fleet  of 
twenty  to  twenty-five  ships  has  come  every  two 
years  to  Calicut.  The  Portuguese  do  not  know 
what  nation  these  people  belong  to,  nor  what  other 
merchandise  they  bring,  besides  fine  linen,  iron,  and 
brass.  They  load  their  ships  with  spices,  and  all 
the  vessels  have  four  masts,  like  the  Spanish  ships. 
If  they  had  been  Germans,  we  should  have  had 
some  account  of  it.  It  is  possible  that  they  may  be 
Russians.  If  they  have  a  port  upon  the  sea,  we 
shall  find  it  out  from  the  pilot  whom  the  Moorish 
king  gave  to  the  Portuguese,  and  who  speaks  Ital- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


325 


ian.  He  is  at  present  in  the  commander’s  caravel  V0^GE 
— for  they  have  taken  him  against  his  will.  de  gama. 

In  this  town  of  Calicut  there  is  an  abundance 
of  wheat,  which  the  Moors  bring  there  in  their  ships. 

Three  small  measures  of  bread  is  sufficient  to  sat¬ 
isfy  one  of  the  inhabitants  for  a  day,  but  they  make 
no  leavened  bread,  and  only  bake  a  kind  of  cake 
under  the  hot  ashes,  and  have  it  fresh  every  day. 

As  a  substitute  they  make  much  use  of  rice,  of 
which  there  is  a  great  abundance.  They  have 
cows  and  cattle,  but  they  are  all  small.  They  use 
milk  and  butter.  There  is  an  abundance  of  oranges, 
but  they  are  all  sweet;  lemons,  also,  large  and  small 
citrons,  very  fine  melons,  dates,  and  many  other  de¬ 
licious  fruits.  t 

The  king  of  this  town  makes  use  of  neither  flesh  The  raon- 
nor  fish  for  food,  and  touches  nothing  which  has  of  life, 
been  killed.  The  same  custom  is  followed  by  all 
his  court,  and  generally  by  the  wealthiest  and  most 
important  persons  of  the  kingdom.  Their  reason 
for  this  is,  that  Jesus  Christ  has  ordered  in  his 
laws,  that  he  who  kills  shall  be  killed,  and  therefore 
they  eat  of  nothing  that  dies.  The  common  people 
eat  both  flesh  and  fish,  but  very  sparingly.  They 
never  kill  an  ox,  but  entertain  a  high  respect  for  the 
animal,  because  they  say  it  is  an  animal  which 
brings  a  blessing  with  it,  and  whenever  they  meet 
one  on  the  street  they  caress  it  and  pat  it  with  their 
hands.  The  king  lives  upon  rice,  milk,  butter, 
wheaten  bread,  and  many  other  vegetable  articles, 
and  the  courtiers  and  other  persons  of  quality  fol- 


I 


326  life  and  voyages  of 

voyage  low  his  example.  He  drinks  palm  wine  out  of  a 

OF  A  A 

de  gama.  silver  tankard,  but  never  puts  the  rim  to  his  lips, 
for  he  opens  his  mouth  and  pours  it  down  from  the 
spout  of  the  tankard  in  a  stream. 

The  species  of  fish  which  they  saw  were  similar 
to  our  own.  The  Christians  use  very  little,  but  the 
Moors  considerable  quantities.  They  ride  upon 
elephants,  of  which  great  numbers  exist  in  the 
country,  and  are  very  tame.  When  the  king  goes 
to  war  any  where,  the  largest  part  of  his  force  fol¬ 
lows  him  on  foot,  but  a  part  ride  upon  elephants. 
When  he  moves  from  one  place  to  another,  he  is 
carried  upon  men’s  shoulders,  and  this  duty  is  per¬ 
formed  by  his  principal  servants.  All  the  people 
are  clothed  froip  the  middle  of  the  body  to  the  feet, 
mostly  with  cloth  made  of  cotton,  which  is  found 
there  in  great  abundance,  but  the  upper  part  of 
the  body  is  left  naked,  as  well  by  the  nobility  as 
by  the  common  people.  The  first,  however,  dress 
themselves  in  silk  stuffs,  and  garments  of  various 
colours,  each  according  to  his  particular  rank.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  the  females,  except  that  the 
women  of  quality  wear  over  their  heads  white 
and  delicate  veils.  Many  of  the  lower  classes  go 
entirely  uncovered.  The  Moors  dress  in  their  own 
fashion,  with  undercoats  and  long  robes. 

Calculation  The  distance  from  the  port  of  Lisbon  to  this 

of  distance  ....  *11 

from  Lis-  city  is  thirty-eight  hundred  common  miles,  so  that 
allowing  four  and  a  half  Italian  miles  to  one  com¬ 
mon,  it  makes  seventeen  thousand  one  hundred  Ital¬ 
ian  miles.  It  is  easy  to  calculate  from  this  how 


AMERICTJS  VESPUCIUS. 


327 


long  a  voyage  there  will  necessarily  he.  It  cannot  voyage 
be  less  than  fifteen  or  sixteen  months.  de  gam  a. 

Their  navigators  all  sail  with  the  north  wind, 
and  make  use  of  certain  wooden  quadrants.  They 
always  go  to  the  right  when  they  sail  across  the 
gulf.  The  pilot  before  mentioned  says,  that  there 
are  more  than  a  thousand  islands  in  this  gulf,  and 
that  the  navigation  between  them  leads  to  almost 
certain  shipwreck,  as  they  are  very  low.  They 
must  be  the  same  islands  which  the  King  of  Cas¬ 
tile  has  just  begun  to  discover.  In  this  city  they 
have  some  information  concerning  Prester  John,  but 
not  much.  In  the  interior  there  must  be  some  in¬ 
telligence  to  be  gained  respecting  him.  They  know 
that  Jesus  Christ  was  born  of  a  virgin  without  sin, 
that  he  was  crucified  and  killed  by  the  Jews,  and 
afterwards  buried  at  Jerusalem.  They  have  heard 
also  of  the  Pope,  and  know  that  he  lives  at  Rome, 
but  have  no  further  knowledge  of  our  faith.  They 
have  letters  and  a  written  language. 

They  have  an  abundance  of  elephants,  which 
are  extremely  useful  to  them,  and  cotton,  sugar, 
and  sweetmeats.  In  my  opinion,  all  the  riches  oi 
the  world  are  now  discovered,  and  nothing  more 
remains  to  be  found  out.  It  is  thought  that  wine 
would  be  a  good  article  to  barter  for  Indian  wares, 
for  these  Christians  drink  it  very  willingly.  They 
have  also  enquired  about  oil. 

In  this  town  justice  is  very  well  administered. 
Whoever  steals,  murders,  or  commits  any  other 


328 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


voyage  crime,  is  impaled  after  the  Turkish  fashion,  and 

OF  • 

de  gama.  whoever  undertakes  to  cheat  the  laws,  loses  all  his 
goods. 

Productions  There  is  found  also  in  the  town  of  Calicut,  civet, 

of  the  . 

country.  nutmegs,  ambergris,  storax,  and  benzoin.  The  is¬ 
lands  where  these  grow  are  called  Zelotri,  and  are 
one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  distant  from  the  town 
of  Calicut.  In  one  of  these  islands  no  other  trees 
grow  but  cinnamon  trees,  and  a  few  pepper  toees, 
hut  not  of  the  best  kind.  The  pepper  comes  mainly 
from  another  island.  When  the  trees  which  pro¬ 
duce  pepper  and  cinnamon  are  planted  in  the  neigh¬ 
bourhood  of  Calicut,  the  fruit  is  not  so  o-ood. 
Cloves  are  brought  there  from  distant  countries. 
Rhubarb  is  plenty,  and  all  other  common  spices. 
Ginger  grows  best  on  Terra  Firma.  The  countries 
of  the  Gulf  are  entirely  inhabited  by  Moors,  but  I 
have  lately  learned  more  particulars  of  the  truth, 
and  find  that  it  is  only  on  the  seashore  of  one  side 
that  they  dwell,  the  whole  of  the  other  side  bein^r 
inhabited  by  Christian  Indians  who  are  white  as 
we  are.  The  country  is  extremely  fruitful  in  wheat 
and  other  descriptions  of  grain.  Fresh  fruit  and 
all  kinds  of  provisions  are  shipped  to  Calicut,  for 
the  region  where  this  town  lies  is  sandy  and  unfit 
for  grain. 

Two  winds  prevail  in  this  region ;  the  west  wind 
in  winter,  and  the  east  wind  in  summer.  They 
have  very  skilful  painters  there,  who  paint  figures 
and  pictures  of  every  kind.  This  town  of  Calicut 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


329 


has  no  walls,  and  the  same  may  he  said  of  all  the 
other  towns.  Still  there  are  many  very  beautiful 
Moorish  houses  and  regular  streets.  In  the  island 
mentioned  before,  where  the  best  cinnamon  grows, 
civet  and  many  sapphires  are  found. 

42 


VOYAGE 

OF 

DE  GAMA. 


III. 


letters 

of 

TOSCA- 

NELLT. 


LETTERS  OF  PAOLO  TOSCANELLI  TO  COLUMBUS. 

The  letters  of  the  Florentine  physician  to’  Co¬ 
lumbus  produced  such  a  strong  effect  upon  his 
mind,  and  rendered  him  so  confident  in  his  belief  in 
the  practicability  of  a  passage  to  the  Indies  by  the 
west,  that  they  merit  a  place  among  the  illustra¬ 
tions  of  the  discovery  of  the  New  World.  They 
are  preserved  in  the  History  of  the  Admiral,  by  his 
son  Fernando,  and  the  translation  of  them,  found 
in  Pinkerton’s  Collection  of  Voyages,  has  been  fol¬ 
lowed,  with  some  trifling  alterations.  No  writings 
contributed  more  to  occasion  the  discovery  than 
these  two  short  letters.  Some  Italian  writers  even 
go  to  the  extent  of  asserting  that  the  idea  of  a  west¬ 
ern  passage  to  India  originated  with  Toscanelli, 
before  it  struck  the  mind  of  Columbus,  and  by  him 
was  communicated  to  the  admiral.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  this  was  the  case.  At  the  time  of 
the  date  of  his  letters,  Toscanelli  was  already  an 
aged  man,  while  Columbus  was  in  the  prime  of 
life,  and  it  is  evident  that  the  opinions  he  expresses 
were  arrived  at  after  many  years  of  examination 
and  study. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


331 


THE  FIRST  LETTER. 


LETTERS 

OF 

TOSCA- 

NELLI. 


To  Christopher  Columbus ,  Paul ,  the  Physician , 

icishes  health. 


I  perceive  your  noble  and  earnest  desire  to  sail 
to  those  parts  where  the  spice  is  produced ;  and 
therefore,  in  answer  to  a  letter  of  yours,  I  send  you 
another  letter,  which  some  days  since  I  wrote  to  a 
friend  of  mine,  and  servant  of  the  King  of  Portugal, 
before  the  wars  of  Castile,  in  answer  to  another 
that  he  wrote  to  me  by  his  Highness’s  order,  upon 
this  same  account,  and  I  send  you  another  sea- 
chart  like  the  one  I  sent  to  him,  which  will  satisfy 
your  demands.  The  copy  of  the  letter  is  as  fol¬ 
lows  : 


To  Ferdinand  Martinez ,  Canon  of  Lisbon , 

Paul ,  the  Physician ,  wishes  health. 

I  am  very  glad  to  hear  of  the  familiarity  you  en-  Letter  of 

•  si  -»  Toscanelli 

joy  with  your  most  serene  and  magnificent  king,  to  Martinez, 
and  though  I  have  very  often  discoursed  concerning 
the  short  way  there,  is  from  hence  to  the  Indies, 
where  the  spice  is  produced,  by  sea,  which  I  look 
upon  to  be  shorter  than  that  you  take  by  the  coast 
of  Guinea ;  yet  you  now  tell  me  that  his  Highness 
wrould  have  me  make  out  and  demonstrate  it,  so 
that  it  may  be  understood  and  put  in  practice. 

Therefore,  though  I  could  better  show  it  to  him, 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


with  a  globe  in  my  band,  and  make  him  sensible 
of  the  figure  of  the  world ;  yet  I  have  resolved,  to 
-  make  it  more  easy  and  intelligible,  to  show  the 
way  on  a  chart,  such  as  are  used  in  navigation ; 
and  therefore  I  send  one  to  his  majesty,  made  and 
drawn  with  my  own  hand,  wherein  is  set  down  the 
utmost  bounds  of  the  earth,  from  Ireland,  in  the 
west,  to  the  farthest  part  of  Guinea,  with  all  the 
islands  that  lie  in  the  way ;  opposite  to  which  west¬ 
ern  coast  is  described  the  beginning  of  the  Indies, 
with  the  islands  and  places  whither  you  may  go, 
and  how  far  you  may  bend  from  the  North  Pole  to¬ 
wards  the  equinoctial,  and  for  how  long  a  time; 
that  is,  how  many  leagues  you  may  sail  before  you 
come  to  those  places  most  fruitful  in  spices,  jewels, 
and  precious  stones. 

Do  not  wonder  if  I  term  that  country  where  the 
spice  grows,  West,  that  product  being  generally  as¬ 
cribed  to  the  East,  because  those  who  sail  west¬ 
ward  will  always  find  those  countries  in  the  west, 
and  those  who  travel  by  land  eastward,  will  always 
find  those  countries  in  the  east.  The  straight  lines 
that  lie  lengthways  in  the  chart,  show  the  distance 
there  is  from  west  to  east ;  the  others  which  cross 
them,  show  the  distance  from  north  to  south.  I 
have  also  marked  down  in  the  chart  several  places 
in  India,  where  ships  might  put  in,  upon  any  storm 
or  contrary  winds,  or  other  unforeseen  accident. 

Moreover,  to  give  you  full  information  of  all  those 
places  which  you  are  very  desirous  to  know  about, 
you  must  understand  that  none  but  traders  live  and 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


333 


reside  in  all  those  islands,  and  that  there  is  there  as 
great  a  number  of  ships  and  seafaring  people  with 
merchandise,  as  in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  par¬ 
ticularly  in  a  most  noble  port  called  Zaitun,  where 
there  are  every  year  an  hundred  large  ships  of  pep¬ 
per  loaded  and  unloaded,  besides  many  other  ships 
that  take  in  other  spices.  This  country  is  mighty 
populous,  and  there  are  many  provinces  and  king¬ 
doms,  and  innumerable  cities  under  the  dominion 
of  a  prince  called  the  Great  Khan,  which  name  sig¬ 
nifies  king  of  kings,  who  for  the  most  part  resides 
in  the  province  of  Cathay.  His  predecessors  were 
very  desirous  to  have  commerce  and  be  in  amity 
with  Christians ;  and  two  hundred  years  since,  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Pope,  desiring  him  to  send  them 
manv  learned  men  and  doctors,  to  teach  them  our 
faith ;  but  by  reason  of  some  obstacles  the  ambas¬ 
sadors  met  with,  they  returned  back  without  com 
ing  to  Home.  Besides,  there  came  an  ambassador 
to  Pope  Eugenius  IV.,  who  told  him  the  great 
friendship  there  was  between  those  princes  and 
their  people,  and  the  Christians.  I  discoursed  witii 
him  a  long  while  upon  the  several  matters  of  the 
grandeur  of  their  royal  structure,  and  of  the  great¬ 
ness,  length,  and  breadth  of  their  rivers,  and  he  told 
me  many  wonderful  things  of  the  multitude  of 
towns  and  cities  founded  along  the  banks  of  the 
rivers,  and  that  there  were  two  hundred  cities  upon 
one  only  river,  with  marble  bridges  over  it  of  a 
great  length  and  breadth,  and  adorned  with  abun¬ 
dance  of  pillars. 


LETTERS 

OF 

TOSCA- 

NELLI. 


334 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


letters  This  country  deserves  as  well  as  any  other  to  be 
tosca-  ■  discovered  ;  and  there  may  not  only  be  great  profit 

- - —  nla<|e  there,  and  many  things  of  value  found,  but 

also  gold,  silver,  many  sorts  of  precious  stones,  and 


Distance 
from  Lis¬ 
bon. 


spices  in  abundance,  which  are  not  brought  into 
our  parts.  And  it  is  certain  that  many  wise  men, 
philosophers,  astrologers,  and  other  persons  skilled 
in  all  arts,  and  very  ingenious,  govern  that  mighty 
province,  and  command  their  armies. 

From  Lisbon  directly  westward,  there  are  in  the 
chart,  twenty-six  spaces,  each  of  which  contains 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  to  the  most  noble  and 
vast  city  ol  Quinsai,  which  is  one  hundred  miles  in 
compass,  that  is,  thirty-five  leagues.  In  it  there  are 
ten  marble  bridges  ]  the  name  signifies  a  heavenly 
city,  of  which  wonderful  things  are  reported,  as  to 
the  ingenuity  of  the  people,  the  buildings  and  reve¬ 
nues.  This  space  above  mentioned  is  almost  the 
third  part  of  the  globe.  The  city  is  in  the  province 
of  Mangi,  bordering  on  that  of  Cathay,  where  the 
King  for  the  most  part  resides.  From  the  island 
of  Antilla,  which  you  call  the  Island  of  the  Seven 
Cities,  and  whereof  you  have  some  knowledge,  to 
the  most  noble  island  of  Cipango,  are  ten  spaces, 
which  make  tAvo  thousand  five  hundred  miles, 
or  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  leagues,  which 


island  abounds  in  gold,  pearls,  and  precious  stones  : 
and  you  must  understand,  they  cover  their  temples 
and  palaces  with  plates  of  pure  gold  j  so  that,  for 
want  of  knowing  the  way,  all  these  things  are  con- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


335 


cealed  and  hidden,  and  yet  may  be  gone  to  with 
safety. 

Much  more  might  be  said,  but  having  told  you 
what  is  most  material,  and  you  being  wise  and  ju¬ 
dicious,  I  am  satisfied  there  is  nothing  of  it  but 
what  you  understand,  and  therefore  I  will  not  be 
more  prolix.  Thus  much  may  serve  to  satisfy  your 
curiosity,  it  being  as  much  as  the  shortness  of  time 
and  my  business  would  permit  me  to  say.  So  I 
remain  most  ready  to  satisfy  and  serve  his  highness, 
to  the  utmost,  in  all  the  commands  he  shall  lay  up¬ 
on  me. 

Florence ,  June  25,  1474. 

A  short  time  after  this  letter  was  despatched, 
Toscanelli  wrote  a  second  letter  to  Columbus,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  translation. 

To  Christopher  Columbus ,  Paul ,  the  Physician , 

icishes  health . 

I  received  your  letters  with  the  things  you  sent 
me,  which  I  take  as  a  great  favour,  and  commend 
your  noble  and  ardent  desire  of  sailing  from  east  to 
west,  as  it  is  marked  out  in  the  chart  I  sent  you, 
which  would  demonstrate  itself  better  in  the  form 
of  a  globe.  I  am  glad  it  is  well  understood,  and 
that  the  voyage  laid  down  is  not#only  possible,  but 
true,  certain,  honourable,  very  advantageous,  and 
most  glorious  among  all  Christians. 

You  cannot  be  perfect  in  the  knowledge  of  it, 
but  by  experience  and  practice,  as  I  have  had  in 


LETTERS 

OF 

TOSCA¬ 

NELLI. 


336 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


LETTERS 

OF 

TOSCA- 

NELLI. 


great  measure,  and  by  the  solid  and  true  informa- 
tion  of  worthy  and  wise  men,  who  are  come  from 
those  parts  to  this  court  of  Rome,  and  from  mer¬ 
chants  who  have  traded  long  in  those  parts,  and  are 
persons  of  good  reputation.  So  that  when  the  said 
voyage  is  performed,  it  will  be  to  powerful  king¬ 
doms,  and  to  most  noble  cities  and  provinces,  rich, 
and  abounding  in  all  things  we  stand  in  need  of, 
particularly  in  all  sorts  of  spice  in  great  quantities, 
and  store  of  jewels.  This  will  moreover  be  grate¬ 
ful  to  those  kings  and  princes  who  are  very  de¬ 
sirous  to  converse  and  trade  with  Christians  of 
these  our  countries,  whether  it  be  for  some  of  them 
to  become  Christians,  or  else  to  have  communica¬ 
tion  with  the  wise  and  ingenious  men  in  these 
parts,  as  well  in  point  of  religion  as  in  all  sci¬ 
ences,  because  of  the  extraordinary  account  they 
have  of  the  kingdoms  and  government  of  these 
parts. 

For  which  reasons,  and  many  more  that  might 
be  alleged,  I  do  not  at  all  wonder  that  you  who 
have  a  great  heart,  and  all  the  Portuguese  nation, 
which  has  ever  had  notable  men  in  all  undertakings, 
be  eagerly  bent  upon  performing  this  voyage. 


DISCOVEEY  OF  ALONZO  BE  OJEDA 


Extended  on  these  roots,  with  his  buckler  oh  and  his  sword  in  his  hand,  hut  30 
weakened  by  hunger  and  fatigue  that  he  v  as  unable  to  speak,  the  Spaniards 
found  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  (See  Paoe  383  ) 


- 


IV. 


MARCO  POLO  AND  HIS  TRAVELS. 

Toscanelli  was  led  to  a  consideration  of  the 
subject  of  a  western  passage  to  India  mainly  by 
the  accounts  of  Marco  Polo.  The  influence  which 
this  traveller  exercised  over  the  minds  of  the  early 
discoverers,  renders  some  notice  of  him  and  his 
works  necessary.  The  history  of  his  life  is  singu¬ 
lar  and  interesting,  and  is  abridged  from  Kerr’s  Col¬ 
lection  of  Voyages  and  Murray’s  Translation  of  the 
Travels  of  Marco  Polo,  whence  also  are  taken  the 
extracts  which  are  given  from  his  writings. 

Marco  Polo  was  born  at  Venice  about  the  year 
1260.  His  father,  Niccolo  Polo,  and  his  uncle  Maf- 
fei,  were  of  a  noble  Venetian  family,  who  were  ex¬ 
tensively  engaged  in  commerce.  They  left  Venice, 
in  the  prosecution  of  their  business,  just  before  the 
birth  of  Marco,  whom  his  father  never  saw  till  his 
return  to  Venice  in  1269,  at  which  time  he  was 
about  nine  years  old.  They  went  first  to  Constan¬ 
tinople,  and  from  there  into  Armenia.  They  re¬ 
mained  a  year  at  the  camp  of  Bereke,  the  khan  or 
ruler  of  the  western  portion  of  the  vast  empire  of 
the  Mongals,  and  then  pursued  their  journey  into 

.  43 


MARCO 

POLO. 


338 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 

POLO. 


Election  of 
Visconti  to 
lie  Papal 
chair. 


Bochara.  where  they  staid  three  years.  Another 
year  more  was  occupied  by  them  in  travelling  to 
the  court  of  Kublai  Khan,  the  powerful  emperor  of 
the  Mongals  or  Tartars.  At  the  court  of  this  po¬ 
tentate  they  remained  about  a  year,  and  then  con¬ 
sumed  three  years  in  their  return  to  Europe. 

Soon  after  their  return,  they  again  started  for  the 
East,  taking  with  them  the  young  Marco.  It  was 
probably  in  the  year  1270  that  they  departed  on 
their  second  journey,  for  upon  the  election  of  Greg¬ 
ory  IX.  to  the  pontifical  chair,  he  despatched  an 
express  after  them,  which  overtook  them  in  Arme¬ 
nia,  where  they  were  detained  some  time,  in  order 
that  they  might  receive  the  final  instructions  of  the 
Pope. 

The  cause  of  this  delay  was,  that  by  the  death 
of  Clement  IV.,  the  Papal  See  had  been  left  vacant 
for  two  years.  Niccolo  and  MafFei  Polo  learnt  the 
news  of  this  fact  at  Acre,  while  on  their  return  from 
their  first  journey.  They  saw  there  the  papal  legate, 
Tibaldo  Visconti,  of  Placentia,  who  was  greatly  in¬ 
terested  in  their  descriptions  of  their  travels,  and 
advised  them  to  wait  for  the  election  of  a  new  pon¬ 
tiff  before  setting  out  again  for  the  East.  Finding, 
after  their  return  to  Venice,  that  the  election  did 
not  take  place  so  soon  as  they  anticipated,  they  be¬ 
came  very  anxious  lest  the  Great  Khan  should  be¬ 
come  impatient  at  the  postponement  of  the  conver¬ 
sion  of  himself  and  his  nation,  and  accordingly 
started  before  the  cardinals  had  been  able  to  effect 
the  choice  of  a  new  successor  of  St.  Peter.  Once 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


339 


more  passing  through  Acre,  they  were  kindly  enter¬ 
tained  by  the  Legate,  who  furnished  them  with  let¬ 
ters  to  the  Khan,  exculpatory  of  their  conduct  in  not 
returning  sooner,  and  with  letters  from  the  Pope. 
He  also  procured  them  a  sufficient  supply  of  oil 
from  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  which  had  been  express¬ 
ly  desired  by  the  Khan,  through  belief  in  its  mirac¬ 
ulous  powers.  Hardly,  however,  had  they  departed 
from  Acre,  in  the  prosecution  of  their  journey,  when 
letters  came  to  the  legate,  informing  him  that  he 
himself  had  been  chosen  Pope.  He  took  the  name 
of  Gregory,  and  immediately  issued  a  bull  provi¬ 
ding,  that  in  future,  on  the  demise  of  a  pontiff,  the 
cardinals  should  be  confined  together  until  they  had 
selected  his  successor. 

Before  proceeding  to  Italy  to  take  possession  of 
the  papal  chair,  he  despatched  those  messengers 
who  caused  the  delay  of  the  travellers.  In  a  short 
time,  new  letters  were  prepared  by  him  to  deliver 
to  the  Khan,  containing  complimentary  expressions 
and  a  long  defence  or  exposition  of  Christian  doc¬ 
trine.  These  were  brought  to  the  Polos,  by  two 
priests,  Nicolo  of  Vicenza  and  Guelmo  of  Tripoli, 
both  men  of  distinguished  learning  and  discretion, 
who  were  intended  to  accompany  the  travellers  in 
their  journey.  They  were  furnished  also  with 
splendid  presents  of  great  value  for  the  eastern 
monarch,  and  were  endowed  with  ample  powers 
and  privileges,  and  authority  to  ordain  priests  and 
bishops,  and  to  grant  absolution  in  all  cases,  as  fully 
as  if  the  Pope  were  personally  present.  These  two 


MARCO 

POLO. 


Friars  sent 
by  the  Pope 
to  accompa¬ 
ny  the  Po¬ 
los. 


340 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 

POLO. 


The  Polos 
pursue  their 
journey. 


friars,  however,  proved  themselves  to  be  wanting  in 
the  hour  of  danger.  Learning  that  the  Sultan  of 
Cairo  had  led  a  large  army  to  invade  Armenia, 
where  he  was  committing  the  most  cruel  ravages, 
they  were  fearful  of  their  own  safety,  and  deliver¬ 
ing  the  letters  and  presents  of  the  Pope  to  the  Polos, 
and  preferring  to  avoid  the  fatigues  of  the  route  and 
the  perils  of  war,  returned  to  Acre. 

The  three  Venetians,  however,  pursued  their 
journey  boldly,  in  spite  of  many  difficulties  and 
dangers,  and  at  length,  after  a  journey  of  three  years 
and  a  half,  arrived  at  the  great  city  of  Clemenisu  or 
Chambalu,  which  means  the  city  of  the  Khan,  and 
is  the  modem  Pekin.  In  this  long  journey  they 
were  often  compelled  to  make  great  delays,  on  ac¬ 
count  of  the  deep  snow  and  extreme  cold,  and  in 
consequence  of  the  floods  and  inundations.  When 
the  Khan  heard  of  their  approach,  he  sent  messen¬ 
gers  forty  days’  journey  to  meet  them,  that  they 
might  be  conducted  wTith  all  honour,  and  be  provi¬ 
ded  w  ith  every  accommodation  duping  the  remain¬ 
der  of  their  journey.  On  their  arrival  at  court  they 
were  introduced  into  his  presence,  and  prostrated 
themselves  before  him,  according  to  the  custom  of 
the  country,  but  they  were  commanded  to  rise,  and 
w^ere  most  graciously  received.  The  Khan  demand¬ 
ed  an  account  of  their  proceedings  on  the  wTay,  and 
of  what  they  had  effected  w7ith  the  Pope.  They 
related  all  this  distinctly,  and  then  delivered  the 
Pope’s  letters  and  presents,  which  the  Khan  re¬ 
ceived  with  great  pleasure,  and  commended  them 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


341 


for  their  fidelity.  The  holy  oil  which  they  had  MARCO 
brought,  at  the  request  of  the  Khan,  from  the  sepul — — - x  - 
chre  of  the  Saviour  at  Jerusalem  was  reverently  re¬ 
ceived,  and  preserved  with  scrupulous  care. 

The  Khan  very  naturally  inquired  who  Marco 
was*  on  which  Niccolo  replied,  u  He  is  your  Ma¬ 
jesty’s  servant,  and  my  son.”  Thereupon  the 
Khan  received  him  kindly,  and  had  him  taught  to 
write  among  his  honourable  courtiers.  He  was 
much  esteemed  by  the  court,  and  in  a  very  short 
time  learned  to  read  and  write  four  different  lan¬ 
guages,  and  made  himself  familiar  with  the  customs 
of  the  Tartars. 

Some  yeas  after,  in  order  to  try  his  capacity,  Marco  Polo 
the  Khan  sent  Marco  upon  an  embassy  to  a  great '  bassies  by 
city  called  Carachan  or  Carazan,  at  a  distance  of 
almost  six  months’  journey.  He  executed  this  ser¬ 
vice  with  great  judgment  and  discretion,  and  very 
much  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  imperial  patron,  and 
well  knowing  that  the  Khan  would  be  pleased  with 
an  account  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  in¬ 
habitants  of  the  countries  through  which  he  passed, 
he  made  a  minute  of  every  thing  that  appeared  wor¬ 
thy  of  note,  and  repeated  it  to  him  on  his  return. 

In  this  way  he  rose  to  such  high  favour,  that  lie 
was  continually  sent  by  the  Khan  on  business  of 
importance  to  all  the  different  parts  of  his  domin¬ 
ions,  which  was  the  means  of  his  acquiring  so  much 
information  respecting  the  affairs  and  places  of  the 
East. 

After  remaining  many  years  at  the  court  of  the 


342 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


A1ARCO 

POLO. 


Their 
scheme  to 
return  to 
Venice. 


Khan,  and  acquiring  immense  wealth  in  jewels  of 
great  value,  they  began  to  consider  the  possibility 
of  returning  home.  This  they  thought  would  be 
impossible  if  the  Khan,  who  had  then  become 
quite  aged,  should  die,  and  they  became,  of  course, 
exceedingly  anxious  to  obtain  permission  to  re¬ 
turn  to  Venice.  One  day,  therefore,  finding  the 
Khan  in  an  excellent  humour,  Nicolo  Polo  asked 
permission  to  return  to  his  own  country  with  his 
family.  He  was  greatly  displeased  at  the  request, 
and  could  not  conceive  what  inducement  they  had 
to  undertake  so  long  and  dangerous  a  journey ;  add¬ 
ing,  that  if  they  were  in  want  of  riches,  he  would 
gratify  their  utmost  wishes,  by  bestowing  upon 
them  twice  as  much  as  they  already  possessed,  but 
from  pure  affection  he  refused  to  part  with  them. 

Not  long  after  this,  it  happened  that  a  King  of  the 
Indies,  named  Argon,  sent  three  of  his  counsellors 
as  ambassadors  to  Kublai  Khan,  on  the  following 
account.  Bolgana,  the  wife  of  Argon,  had  lately 
died,  and  on  her  death-bed  had  requested  her  hus¬ 
band  to  choose  a  wife  from  among  her  relations  in 
Cathay.  Kublai  yielded  to  the  request  of  the  am¬ 
bassadors,  and  chose  a  fair  young  maiden,  seventeen 
years  of  age,  named  Cogalin,  who  was  of  the  family 
of  the  late  queen,  and  determined  to  send  her  to 
Argon.  The  ambassadors  departed  with  their  fair 
charge,  and  journeyed  for  eight  months  on  their  re¬ 
turn,  by  the  same  road  over  which  they  came. 
Then  they  found  that  bloody  wars  were  raging  be¬ 
tween  some  of  the  Tartar  princes,  and  were  com- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS, 


343 


% 


pelled  to  come  back  again,  and  acquaint  the  Khan 
with  the  impossibility  of  their  proceeding  on  that 
road.  Meantime,  Marco,  who  had  been  absent  at 
sea,  returned  with  certain  ships  belonging  to  the 
Khan,  and  reported  the  peculiarities  of  the  places 
he  had  visited  and  the  facility  of  intercourse  by  sea 
between  Cathay  and  the  Indies.  This  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  ambassadors,  who  conversed  on 
the  subject  with  the  Venetians.  It  was  agreed  be¬ 
tween  them  that  the  ambassadors  and  the  young 
Q,ueen  should  ask  permission  of  the  Khan  to  re¬ 
turn  by  sea,  and  should  request  to  have  the  three 
Europeans  who  were  skilful  in  nautical  affairs,  to 
accompany  and  conduct  them  to  the  dominions  of 
Argon. 

Though  dissatisfied  at  this  proposal,  the  Khan  at 
last  gave  a  reluctant  consent,  and  calling  the  Polos 
into  his  presence,  after  many  demoil strations  of  af¬ 
fection  and  favour,  he  made  them  promise  to  return 
to  him,  when  they  had  spent  a  little  time  among 
their  relations  in  Christendom.  He  caused  a  tablet 
of  gold  to  be  given  to  them,  on  which  his  orders 
were  engraved,  directing  his  subjects  throughout 
his  dominions  to  furnish  them  with  every  conveni¬ 
ence  on  their  passage,  to  defray  all  their  expenses, 
and  to  provide  them  with  guides  and  escorts  where- 
ever  necessary.  He  also  authorized  them  to  act 
as  his  ambassadors  to  the  Pope,  and  to  the  kings 
of  France  and  Spain,  and  other  Christian  princes. 

The  Khan  ordered  fourteen  ships  to  be  prepared 
for  the  voyage,  each  having  four  masts  and  carry - 


MARCO 

POLO. 


Departure 
from  Ca¬ 
thay. 


344 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


marco  ing  nine  sails.  Four  or  five  of  these  were  so  lame 

POLO  O 

- as  to  have  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  mariners  in 

each,  but  the  rest  were  smaller.  In  this  fleet  the 
Queen  and  ambassadors  embarked,  accompanied 
by  the  three  Venetian  travellers.  The  Khan,  on 
taking  leave  of  them,  presented  each  with  many 
rubies  and  precious  stones,  and  money  enough  to 
defray  all  their  expenses  for  two  years.  Setting 
sail  from  Cathay,  or  China,  they  arrived  in  three 
months  at  Java,  and  sailing  from  there,  in  eighteen 
months  at  the  dominions  of  Argon.  Six  hundred 
mariners  and  one  woman  died  during  the  voyage, 
and  only  one  of  the  ambassadors  reached  home 
alive.  On  their  arrival  at  the  dominions  of  Argon, 
they  found  that  he  was  dead,  and  that  a  person 
named  Chiacato  was  governing  the  kingdom,  durin°* 
the  minority  of  the  son  of  the  late  monarch.  On 
informing  the  regent  of  their  business,  he  desired 
them  to  carry  the  young  queen  to  Casan,  which 
was  the  name  of  the  prince,  who  was  then  on  the 
frontiers  of  Persia,  with  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
men,  guarding  certain  passes  on  the  borders  of  the 
kingdom  against  the  attacks  of  their  enemies.  Hav¬ 
ing  executed  this  order,  Nicolo,  Maffei  and  Marco 
leturned  to  the  palace  ot  Chiacato,  and  remained 
there  nine  months. 


Magnificent 
Letters  Pa¬ 
tent. 


At  the  end  of  this  time,  they  bade  farewell  to 
Chiacato,  who  gave  them  four  tablets  of  gold,  each 
a  cubit  long,  and  five  fingers  broad,  and  weighing 
three  or  four  marks.  On  them  were  engraved  the 
following  words :  “  In  the  power  of  the  eternal 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


345 


God,  the  name  of  the  Great  Khan  shall  be  hon¬ 
oured  and  praised  for  many  years,  and  whosoever 
disobeyeth,  shall  be  put  to  death,  and  all  bis  goods 
confiscated.^  Besides  this  preamble,  they  com¬ 
manded  that  all  due  honour  should  be  shown  to  the 
three  ambassadors  of  the  Khan,  and  whatever  ser¬ 
vice  they  needed  should  be  performed  in  every  coun¬ 
try  and  district,  subject  to  his  authority  as  to  him¬ 
self  in  person ;  that  all  necessary  relays  of  horses 
and  escorts,  and  their  expenses,  and  every  thing 
needful,  should  be  supplied  to  them  freely  and  gra¬ 
tuitously.  All  these  orders  wrere  duly  obeyed,  so 
that  at  times  they  travelled  with  an  escort  of  two 
hundred  horse  for  their  protection.  During  their 
journey l  they  were  informed  that  the  great  Em¬ 
peror  of  the  Tartars,  Kublai  Khan,  was  dead. 
They  considered  that  this  absolved  them  of  all  ob¬ 
ligation  to  perform  the  promise  which  they  had 
made  to  him  to  return  to  his  court.  So  they  con¬ 
tinued  their  journey  to  Trebizond,  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Black  Sea,  from  which  city  they  pro¬ 
ceeded  by  way  of  Constantinople  and  Negropont  to 
Venice,  where  they  arrived  safely,  and  with  im¬ 
mense  wealth,  in  the  year  1295. 

On  their  arrival  at  their  own  house  in  the  street 
of  St.  Chrysostom,  in  Venice,  they  found  themselves 
entirely  forgotten  by  all  their  old  acquaintances  and 
countrymen.  Even  their  relations  were  unable  to 
recognize  them  in  consequence  of  their  long  ab¬ 
sence.  They  had  been  away  twenty-five  years, 
and  besides  being  much  altered  by  age,  they  had 

44 


MARCO 

POLO. 


Arrival  at 
Venice. 


346 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 

POLO. 


almost  forgotten  their  own  language,  and  resembled 
Tartars  in  their  dress  and  manners.  They  were 
finally  compelled  to  make  use  of  some  extraordi¬ 
nary  expedients  to  satisfy  their  family  and  country¬ 
men  of  their  identity,  and  to  recover  the  respect 
which  was  their  due,  by  a  public  acknowledgment 
of  their  name,  family,  and  rank.  For  this  purpose, 
according  to  Ramusio,  they  invited  all  their  rela¬ 
tions  and  connections  to  a  magnificent  entertain¬ 
ment,  at  which  all  three  of  them  appeared  clothed 
in  rich  habits  of  crimson-coloured  Eastern  satin. 
After  their  guests  arrived  they  threw  off  these 
splendid  garments,  and  before  sitting  down  to  the 
table,  gave  them  to  their  attendants,  still  appearing 
magnificently  robed  in  crimson  damask.  When 
the  last  course  came  on  the  table,  they  cast  off 
these  robes,  as  they  had  done  the  first,  and  bestowed 
them  in  the  same  manner  upon  the  servants  ;  they 
themselves  still  appearing  gorgeously  bedecked 
with  crimson  velvet. 

When  the  dinner  was  over  and  all  the  servants 
had  withdrawn,  Marco  Polo  produced  to  the  com¬ 
pany  the  coats  of  Tartarian  cloth  or  felt,  which 
they  had  ordinarily  worn  during  their  travels,  and 
ripping  them  open,  took  out  an  incredible  quantity 
of  valuable  gems  ;  among  these  were  some  that 
were  recognized  by  those  who  were  present  at  the 
entertainment,  as  having  belonged  to  the  family, 
and  thus  the  three  travellers  proved  themselves  in¬ 
contest  ibly  to  be  members  of  the  Polo  family,  and 
the  identical  persons  they  represented  themselves 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


347 


to  be.  Very  probably  their  relations  were  more  marco 

ready  to  acknowledge  them,  when  they  saw  their - — 

magnificence  and  wealth,  than  when  they  appeared 
before  them  in  the  rough  attire  of  weatherbeaten 
travellers. 

Such  is  the  account  of  these  celebrated  travels  Marco  taken 

prisoner  by 

handed  down  to  the  present  day.  Their  intrinsic  the  Geno- 

1  J  '  ese. 

merit,  and  the  importance  which  they  had  in  the 
eyes  of  the  early  discoverers  of  America,  has  led 
to  this  somewhat  extended  notice  of  them.  Of 
these  adventurous  men,  some  further  information 
yet  remains.  About  three  years  after  their  return, 
hostilities  were  commenced  between  the  republics 
of  Venice  and  Genoa.  The  Genoese  Admiral 
Lampa  Doria,  came  to  the  island  of  Curzola,  with 
a  fleet  of  seventy  gallies,  to  oppose  whom,  the 
Venetians  fitted  out  a  large  naval  force,  under  the 
command  of  Andrea  Dandolo,  under  whom  Marco 
Polo  held  the  command  of  a  galley.  The  Vene¬ 
tians  were  totally  defeated  in  a  general  engagement, 
with  the  loss  of  their  Admiral  and  eighty-five  ships, 
and  Marco  Polo  was  unfortunate  enough  to  be 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Genoese. 

He  was  confined  in  prison  at  Genoa  about  a  year, 
until  the  termination  of  the  war  between  the  rival 
states  released  him.  While  there,  many  of  the 
young  Genoese  nobility  are  said  to  have  resorted  to 
his  cell  to  listen  to  the  recital  of  his  wonderful 
travels  and  surprising  adventures  ;  and  it  is  said 
that  they  prevailed  upon  him  to  send  to  Venice 
for  the  notes  which  he  had  drawn  up  during  his 


348 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


marco  peregrinations,  by  means  of  which  his  travels  were 
polo.  .  .  . 

‘  written  out  in  Latin,  according  to  his  dictation. 

From  the  original  Latin  they  were  translated  into 
Italian,  and  from  this  again  abridgments  were  after¬ 
wards  made  in  Latin,  and  scattered  over  Europe. 
Some  authors  are,  however,  of  the  opinion  that  they 
were  originally  written  in  Italian,  and  it  is  said  that 
a  manuscript  copy  of  the  work  in  the  writing  of 
his  scribe  Rustigielo  was  long  preserved,  in  the  pos¬ 
session  of  the  Soranza  familv,  at  Venice.  Whether 
it  now  exists,  or  has  ever  been  published,  is  un¬ 
known. 

Ath^pSo  ^  ^ie  time  ^ie  captivity  of  Marco,  his  father 
family,  and  uncle  were  greatly  alarmed  for  his  safety,  and 

fearing  that  in  case  of  his  death  they  should  have 
no  descendants  to  whom  they  would  care  to  be¬ 
queath  their  vast  wealth,  it  was  agreed  between 
them  that  Nicolo,  his  father,  should  marry  again, 
which  he  did  speedily.  On  his  return  from  his 
confinement,  therefore,  Marco  found  his  father  with 
three  children,  the  fruit  of  his  second  marriage. 
Maflfei  Polo,  the  uncle  of  Marco,  became  a  magis¬ 
trate  of  Venice,  and  lived  for  some  time  in  much 
respect  among  his  countrymen.  Marco  seems  to 
have  taken  no  offence  at  his  father’s  second  union, 
but  married  himself  after  his  return  from  Genoa 
to  Venice.  He  left  two  daughters,  Moretta  and 
Feantina,  but  had  no  male  issue.  He  is  said  to 
have  received  among  his  countrymen  the  name  of 
Marco  Millioni,  because  he  and  his  family  had  ac¬ 
quired  a  fortune  of  a  million  of  ducats  in  the  East. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


349 


MARCO 

POLO. 


He  died,  as  he  had  lived,  universally  beloved  and 
respected  ;  for,  with  all  his  advantages  of  birth  and 
fortune,  he  was  humble  and  beneficent,  and  em¬ 
ployed  his  great  riches,  and  the  interest  he  pos¬ 
sessed  in  the  state,  only  to  do  good. 

The  best  method  of  conveying  to  the  mind  of  the  Effects  of 
reader  a  conception  of  the  enthusiasm  which  his  the  Polos, 
travels  excited  in  Europe,  is  to  make  one  or  two 
extracts  from  the  work  itself.  The  splendid  de¬ 
scriptions  of  the  immense  wealth  of  the  countries 
lie  visited,  inflamed  the  minds  of  adventurers  of  all 
countries,  and  the  prospect  of  converting  to  the 
Christian  faith  so  powerful  a  potentate  as  lie  repre¬ 
sented  the  Grand  Khan  to  be,  was  so  replete  with 
advantages  to  the  eyes  of  all  the  religious  enthusi¬ 
asts  of  the  age,  that  many  priests  volunteered  to  go 
as  missionaries  toihis  distant  dominions.  For  a 
time  these  schemes  were  the  favourite  popular 
theme,  but  they  languished  at  last  from  the  diffi¬ 
culty  of  accomplishing  them,  and  were  not  again  re¬ 
vived,  until  after  the  lapse  of  two'  centuries  they 
again  attracted  general  attention,  in  connection  with 
the  speculations  afloat  concerning  a  new  route  to 
India.  Mr.  Irving  says  that  these  accounts  offered 
“  too  speculative  and  romantic  an  enterprise  not  to 
catch  the  vivid  imagination  of  Columbus.  In  all 
his  voyages  he  will  be  found  to  be  continually  seek¬ 
ing  after  the  territories  of  the  Grand  Khan;  and 
even  after  his  last  expedition,  when  nearly  worn 
out  by  age,  hardships,  and  infirmities,  he  offered,  in 
a  letter  to  the  Spanish  monarchs,  written  from  a  bed 


350 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 

POLO. 


of  sickness,  to  conduct  any  missionary  to  the  terri- 
tories  of  the  Tartar  Emperor  who  would  undertake 
his  conversion.”  “  It  was  this  confident  expecta¬ 
tion  of  soon  arriving  at  these  countries,  and  reali¬ 
zing  the  accounts  of  the  Venetian,  that  induced  him. 
to  hold  forth  those  promises  of  immediate  wealth  to 
the  sovereigns  which  caused  so  much  disappoint¬ 
ment,  and  brought  upon  him  the  frequent  reproach 
of  exciting  false  hopes,  and  indulging  in  wilful  ex¬ 
aggeration.  ”  Americus,  as  has  been  seen,  enter¬ 
tained  the  same  ideas,  but  with  more  moderation, 
and  anticipated  more  difficulty  in  carrying  them 
out.  The  selections  from  the  writings  of  Polo 

which  will  be  presented  to  the  reader  are  his  de- 

* 

scriptions  of  the  magnificent  city  of  Quinsai,  and  of 
the  much-sought-for  island  of  Cipango. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  MARCO  POLO’S  DESCRIPTION  OF  QUINSAI. 


At  the  end  of  three  days’  journey  we  came  to 
Q,uinsai  or  Guinsai,  its  name  signifying  the  city  of 
heaven,  to  denote  its  excellence  over  all  the  other 
cities  of  the  earth,  in  which  there  are  so  much 
riches  and  so  many  pleasures  and  enjoyments,  that 
a  person  might  conceive  himself  in  Paradise.  In 
this  great  city,  I,  Marco,  have  often  been,  and  have 
considered  it  with  diligent  attention,  observing  its 
whole  state  and  circumstances,  and  setting  down 

1  Irving,  vol.  ii.  p.  904 — 906. 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS. 


351 


the  same  in  my  memorials,  of  which  I  shall  here  marco 

i  •  />  i  ,  POLO. 

give  a  brief  abstract.  - — 

By  common  report,  this  city  is  an  hundred  miles  Great  extent 

.  1  .  and  public 

in  circuit.1  The  streets  and  lanes  are  very  lon^  buildings  of 

J  “  the  city. 

and  wide,  and  it  has  many  large  market-places. 

On  one  side  of  the  city  there  is  a  clear  lake  of  fresh 
water,  and  on  the  other  there  is  a  great  river  which 
enters  the  city  in  many  places,  and  carries  away 
all  the  filth  into  the  lake,  whence  it  continues  its 
course  into  the  ocean.  This  abundant  course  of 
funning  water  causes  a  healthful  circulation  of  pure 
air,  and  gives  commodious  passage  in  many  direc¬ 
tions,  both  by  land  and  water,  through  the  numer¬ 
ous  canals,  as  by  means  of  these  and  the  cause¬ 
ways  by  which  they  are  bordered,  carts  and  barks 
have  free  intercourse  for  the  carriage  of  merchan¬ 
dise  and  provisions.  It  is  said  that  there  are  twelve 
thousand  bridges,  great  and  small,  in  this  city,  and 
those  over  the  principal  canals  are  so  high  that  a 
vessel  without  her  masts  may  go  through  under¬ 
neath,  while  chariots  and  horses  pass  above.  On 
the  other  side  of  the  city  there  is  a  large  canal, 
forty  miles  long,  which  encloses  it  on  that  side,  be- 
ing  deep  and  full  of  water,  made  by  the  ancient 
kings,  both  to  receive  the  overflowings  of  the  river 
and  to  fortify  the  city,  and  the  earth  which  was 
dug  out  of  this  canal,  is  laid  on  the  inside  as  a 


i  These  miles  are  the  Chinese  34  miles  in  circumference.  The 
measures  called  Li,  of  which  200  word  is  used  by  Marco  in  the 
compose  a  degree  of  latitude.  Cal-  same  sense  throughout  the  ex- 
culating  thus,  the  city  would  be  tracts. 


352 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 

POLO. 


rampart  of  defence.  There  are  ten  great  market- 
-  places,  which  are  square,  and  half  a  mile  in  each 
side.  The  principal  street  is  forty  paces  broad, 
having  a  canal  in  the  middle  with  many  bridges, 
and  every  four  miles  there  is  a  market-place  two 
miles  in  circuit.  There  is  also  one  large  canal  be¬ 
hind  the  great  street  and  the  market-places,  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  which  there  are  many  storehouses 
of  stone,  where  the  merchants  from  India  and 
other  places  lay  up  their  commodities,  being  at 
hand  and  commodious  for  the  markets.  In  each 
of  these  markets  the  people  from  the  country,  to 
the  number  of  forty  or  fifty  thousand,  meet  three 
days  in  every  week,  bringing  beasts,  game,  fowls, 
and  in  short  every  thing  that  can  be  desired  for 
subsistence,  in  profusion  ;  and  so  cheap  that  two 
geese  or  four  ducks  may  be  bought  for  a  Venetian 
groat.  Then  follow  the  butcher  markets,  in  which 
beef,  mutton,  veal,  kid  and  lamb,  are  sold  to  the 
great  and  rich,  as  the  poor  eat  of  all  kinds  of  offal 
and  unclean  beasts  without  scruple  ;  all  sorts  of 
herbs  and  fruits  are  to  be  had  continually,  among 
whicl\  are  huge  pears,  weighing  ten  pounds  each, 
white  within,  and  very  fragrant,  with  yellow  and 
white  peaches  of  very  delicate  flavour.  Grapes  do 
not  grow  in  this  country,  but  are  brought  from 
'other  places.  They  likewise  import  very  good 
wine  ;  but  that  is  not  in  so  much  esteem  as  with 
us,  the  people  being  content  with  their  own  bever¬ 
age,  prepared  from  rice  and  spices.  Every  day 
there  are  brought  up  from  the  ocean,  which  is  at 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


353 


the  distance  of  twenty-five  miles,  such  vast  quan¬ 
tities  of  fish  besides  those  which  are  caught  in  the 
lake,  that  one  would  conceive  they  could  never-  be 
consumed,  yet,  in  a  few  hours,  all  is  gone.  All 
these  market-places  are  encompassed  by  high 
houses,  underneath  which  are  shops  for  all  kinds 
of  artificers,  and  all  kinds  of  merchandise,  such  as 
spices,  pearls  and  jewels,  and  in  some  the  rice 

wine  is  sold.  Manv  streets  cross  each  other  lead- 

«/ 

ing  into  these  markets  ;  in  some  of  which  there  are 
many  cold  baths,  accommodated  with  attendants  of 
both  sexes,  who  are  used  to  this  employment  from 
their  infancy.  In  the  same  bagnios,  there  are 
chambers  for  hot  baths,  for  such  strangers  as  are 
not  accustomed  to  bathe  in  cold  w  ater.  The  in¬ 
habitants  bathe  every  day,  and  always  wash  before 
eating. 

In  other  streets  reside  the  physicians  and  the  as¬ 
trologers,  who  also  teach  reading  and  writing,  with 
many  other  arts.  On  opposite  sides  of  the  squares 
are  two  large  edifices,  where  officers  appointed  by 
his  majesty  promptly  decide  any  differences  that 
arise  between  the  foreign  merchants  and  the  inhab¬ 
itants.  They  are  bound  also  to  take  care  that  the 
guards  be  duly  stationed  on  the  neighbouring  bridg¬ 
es,  and  in  case  of  neglect,  to  inflict  a  discretionary 
punishment  on  the  delinquent. 

On  each  side  of  the  principal  street,  mentioned 
as  reaching  across  the  whole  city,  are  large  houses 
and  mansions  with  gardens  ;  near  to  which  are  the 
abodes  and  shops  of  the  working  artisans.  At  all 


MARCO 

POIA 


Judicial  of* 

fleers. 


354 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


marco  hours  you  observe  such  multitudes  of  people  pass- 
- —  mg  backwards  and  forwards  on  their  various  avoca¬ 
tions,  that  it  might  seem  impossible  to  supply  them 
with  food.  A  different  judgment  will,  however,  be 
formed,  when  every  market-day  the  squares  are 
seen  crowded  with  people,  and  covered  with  provi¬ 
sions  brought  in  for  sale  by  carts  and  boats.  To 
give  some  idea  of  the  quantity  of  meat,  wine,  spices, 

t 

and  other  articles  brought  for  the  consumption  of 
the  people  of  Q,uinsai,  I  shall  instance  the  single 
article  of  pepper.  I,  Marco  Polo,  was  informed  by 
an  officer  employed  in  the  customs,  that  the  daily 
amount  was  forty-three  loads,  each  weighing  243 
pounds. 

Private  res-  The  houses  of  the  citizens  are  well  built,  and 

idences  and 

domestic  richly  adorned  with  carving,  in  which,  as  well  as 

habits.  ...  ° 

in  painting  and  ornamental  buildings,  they  take  great 
delight,  and  lavish  enormous  sums.  Their  natural 
disposition  is  pacific,  and  the  example  of  their  for¬ 
mer  unwarlike  kings  has  accustomed  them  to  live 
in  tranquillity.  They  keep  no  arms  in  their  houses, 
and  are  unacquainted  with  their  use.  Their  mer¬ 
cantile  transactions  are  conducted  in  a  manner  per¬ 
fectly  upright  and  honourable.  They  also  behave 
in  a  friendly  manner  to  each  other,  so  that  the  in¬ 
habitants  of  the  same  neighbourhood  appear  like 
one  family.  In  their  domestic  relations,  they  show 
no  jealousy  or  suspicion  of  their  wives,  but  treat 
them  with  great  respect.  Any  one  would  be  held 
as  infamous  that  should  address  indecent  expres¬ 
sions  to  married  women.  They  behave  with  cor- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


355 


diality  to  strangers  who  visit  the  city  for  commer¬ 
cial  purposes,  hospitably  entertain  them,  and  afford 
their  best  assistance  in  their  business.  On  the  other 
hand,  they  hate  the  very  sight  of  soldiers,  even  the 
guards  of  the  Great  Khan  ;  recollecting,  that  by 
their  means  they  have  been  deprived  of  the  govern¬ 
ment  of  their  native  sovereigns. 

On  the  lake  above  mentioned  are  a  number  of 
pleasure-barges,  capable  of  holding  from  ten  to 
twenty  persons,  being  from  fifteen  to  twenty  paces 
long,  with  a  broad  level  boor,  and  moving  steadily 
through  the  water.  Those  who  delight  in  this 
amusement,  and  propose  to  enjoy  it,  either  with 
their  ladies  or  companions,  engage  one  of  these 
barges,  which  they  find  always  in  the  very  best  or¬ 
der,  with  seats,  tables,  and  every  thing  necessary 
for  an  entertainment.  The  boatmen  sit  on  a  flat 
upper  deck,  and  with  long  poles  reaching  to  the 
bottom  of  thelake,  not  more  than  two  fathoms  deep, 
push  along  the  vessels  to  any  desired  spot.  These 
cabins  are  painted  in  various  colours,  and  with 
many  figures  ;  the  exterior  is  similarly  adorned. 
On  each  side  are  windows,  which  can  at  pleasure 
be  kept  open  or  shut,  when  the  company  seated  at 
table  may  delight  their  eyes  with  the  varied  beauty 
of  the  passing  scenes.  Indeed  the  gratification  de¬ 
rived  from  these  water-excursions  exceeds  any  that 
can  be  enjoyed  on  land ;  for  as  the  lake  extends  all 
along  the  city,  you  discover,  while  standing  in  the 
boat,  at  a  certain  distance  from  the  shore,  all  its 
grandeur  and  beauty,  palaces,  temples,  convents, 


MARCO 

POLO. 


Lake  in  the 
neighbour¬ 
hood  of  the 
city. 


356 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 

POLO. 


Palace  of 
the  king, 
and  his 
great  lux¬ 
ury. 


and  gardens,  while  lofty  trees  reach  down  to  the 
water’s  edge.  At  the  same  time  are  seen  other 
boats  continually  passing,  similarly  filled  with  par¬ 
ties  of  pleasure.  Generally,  indeed,  the  inhabitants, 
when  they  have  finished  the  labours  of  the  day,  or 
closed  their  mercantile  transactions,  think  only  of 
seeking  amusement  with  their  wives  or  mistresses, 
either  in  these  barges  or  driving  about  the  city  in 
carriages.  The  main  street  already  mentioned  is 
paved  with  stone  and  brick  to  the  width  of  ten 
paces  on  each  side,  the  interval  being  filled  up 
with  small  gravel,  and  having  arched  drains  to 
carry  off  the  water  into  the  canals,  so  that  it  is 
always  kept  dry.  On  this  road  the  carriages  are 
constantly  driving.  They  are  long,  covered  at  top, 
have  curtains  and  cushions  of  silk,  and  can  hold  six 
persons.  Citizens  of  both  sexes,  desirous  of  this 
amusement,  hire  them  for  that  purpose,  and  you  see 
them  at  every  hour  moving  about  in  wast  numbers. 
In  many  cases  the  people  visit  gardens,  where  they 
are  introduced  by  the  managers  of  the  place  into 
shady  arbours,  and  remain  till  the  time  of  return¬ 
ing  home. 

The  palace  already  mentioned  had  a  wall  with 
a  passage  dividing  the  exterior  court  from  an  inner 
one,  which  formed  a  kind  of  cloister,  supporting  a 
portico  that  surrounded  it,  and  led  to  various  royal 
apartments.  Hence  you  entered  a  covered  passage 
or  corridor,  six  paces  wide,  and  so  long  as  to  reach 
to  the  margin  of  the  lake.  On  each  side  were  cor¬ 
responding  entrances  to  ten  courts,  also  resembling 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


357 


cloisters  with  porticos,  and  each  having  fifty  pri¬ 
vate  rooms,  with  gardens  attached, — the  residence 
of  a  thousand  young  females,  whom  the  king  main¬ 
tained  in  his  service.  In  the  company  either  of  his 
queen  or  of  a  party  of  those  ladies  he  used  to  seek 
amusement  on  the  lake,  visiting  the  idol-temples  on 
its  banks.  The  other  two  portions  of  this  seraglio 
were  laid  out  in  groves,  pieces  of  water,  beautiful 
orchards,  and  enclosures  for  animals  suited  for  the 
chase,  as  antelopes,  deer,  stags,  hares,  and  rabbits. 
Here,  too,  the  king  amused  himself, — his  damsels 
accompanying  him  in  carriages  or  on  horseback. 
No  man  was  allowed  to  he  of  the  party,  but  the 
females  were  skilled  in  the  art  of  coursing  and  pur¬ 
suing  the  animals.  When  fatigued  they  retired 
into  the  groves  on  the  margin  of  the  lake,  and, 
quitting  their  dresses,  rushed  into  the  water,  when 
they  swam  sportively  in  different  directions, — the 
king  remaining  a  spectator  of  the  exhibition. 
Sometimes  he  had  his  repast  provided  beneath  the 
dense  foliage  of  one  of  these  groves,  and  was  there 
waited  upon  by  the  damsels.  Thus  he  spent  his 
time  in  this  enervating  society,  profoundly  ignorant 
of  martial  affairs ;  hence  the  Grand  Khan,  as  al¬ 
ready  mentioned,  was  enabled  to  deprive  him  of 
his  splendid  possessions,  and  drive  him  with  igno¬ 
miny  from  his  throne.  All  these  particulars  were 
related  to  me  by  a  rich  merchant  of  Quinsai,  who 
was  then  very  old ;  and  having  been  a  confidential 
servant  of  King  Facfur,  was  acquainted  with  every 
circumstance  of  his  life.  He  knew  the  palace  in  its 


MARCO 

POLO. 


358 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


marco  former  splendour,  and  desired  me  to  come  and  take 

- —  a  view  of  it.  Being  then  the  residence  of  the 

Khan’s  viceroy,  the  colonnades  were  preserved  en¬ 
tire,  hut  the  chambers  had  been  allowed  to  go  to 
ruin, — only  their  foundations  remaining  visible. 
The  walls,  too,  including  the  parks  and  gardens, 
had  been  left  to  decay,  and  no  longer  contained  any 
trees  or  animals. 

Revenue  of  I  will  now  tell  you  of  the  large  revenue  which' 
the  Khan  draws  from  this  city,  and  the  territory 
under  its  jurisdiction,  which  is  the  ninth  part  of  the 
province  of  Manji.  The  salt  of  that  country  yields 
to  him  in  the  year  eighty  tomans  of  gold,  and  each 
toman  is  70,000  saiks,  which  amount  to  5,600,000, 
and  each  saik  is  worth  more  than  a  gold  florin; 
and  is  not  this  most  great  and  wonderful !  In  that 
country,  too,  there  grows  more  sugar  than  in  the 
whole  world  besides,  and  it  yields  a  very  large  rev¬ 
enue  ;  I  will  not  state  it  particularly,  but  remark 
that,  taking  all  spices  together,  they  pay  3J-  per 
cent.,  which  is  levied  too  on  all  other  merchandise. 
Large  taxes  are  also  derived  from  wine,  rice,  coal, 
and  from  the  twelve  arts,  which,  as  already  men¬ 
tioned,  have  each  twelve  thousand  stations.  On 
every  thing  a  duty  is  imposed :  and  on  silk  espe¬ 
cially,  and  on  other  articles,  is  paid  ten  per  cent. 
But  I,  Marco  Polo,  tell  you,  because  I  have  often 
heard  the  account  of  it,  that  the  revenue  on  all 
these  commodities  amounts  every  year  to  210  to¬ 
mans,  or  14,700,000  saiks,  and  that  is  the  most 
enormous  amount  of  money  that  ever  was  heard. of, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


359 


and  yet  is  paid  by  only  the  ninth  part  of  the 
province  of  Manji.  Now  let  us  depart  from  this 
city  of  Q,uinsai,  and  go  to  another  called  Tam- 
pin-gui. 


THE  ISLAND  OF  CIPANGO. 

This  is  a  very  large  island,  fifteen  hundred  miles 
from  the  continent.  The  people  are  fair,  hand¬ 
some,  and  of  agreeable  manners.  They  are  idol¬ 
aters,  and  live  quite  separate,  entirely  independent 
of  all  other  nations.  Gold  is  very  abundant,  and 
no  man  being  allowed  to  export  it,  while  no  mer¬ 
chant  goes  thence  to  the  mainland,  the  people  ac¬ 
cumulate  a  vast  amount.  But  I  will  give  you  a 
wonderful  account  of  a  very  large  palace,  all  cov¬ 
ered  with  that  metal,  as  our  churches  are  with 
lead.  The  pavement  of  the  chamber,  the  halls, 
windows,  and  every  other  part,  have  it  laid  on  two 
inches  thick,  so  that  the  riches  of  this  palace  are 
incalculable.  Here  are  also  red  pearls,  large,  and 
of  equal  value  with  the  white,  with  many  other 
precious  stones.  Kublai,  on  hearing  of  this  ama¬ 
zing  wealth,  desired  to  conquer  the  island,  and 
sent  two  of  his  barons  with  a  very  large  fleet  con¬ 
taining  warriors,  both  horsemen  and  on  foot.  One 
was  named  Abatan,  the  other  Vonsanicin,  both 
wise  and  valiant.  They  sailed  from  Zai-tun  and 
Q,uinsai,  reached  the  isle,  landed,  and  took  posses¬ 
sion  of  the  plain  and  of  a  number  of  houses  ;  but 


MARCO 

POLO. 


360 

MARCO 

POLO. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

they  had  been  unable  to  take  any  city  or  castle, 
-  when  a  sad  misadventure  occurred.  A  mutual 
jealousy  arose  amongst  them,  which  prevented 
their  acting  in  any  concert.  One  day  when  the 
north  wind  blew  very  strong,  the  troops  expressed 
to  each  other  apprehensions,  that  if  they  remained, 
all  the  vessels  would  be  wrecked.  The  whole 
then  went  on  board  and  set  sail.  When  they  had 
proceeded  about  four  miles,  they  found  another 
small  isle,  on  which,  the  storm  being  violent,  a 
number  sought  refuge.  Others  could  not  reach  it, 
many  of  whom  suffered  shipwreck  and  perished  ; 
but  some  were  preserved,  and  sailed  for  their  na¬ 
tive  country.  Those  who  had  landed,  30,000  in 
number,  looked  on  themselves  as  dead  men,  seeing 
no  means  of  ever  escaping;  and  their  anger  and 
grief  were  increased,  when  they  beheld  the  other 
ships  making  their  way  homeward. 

The  sovereign  and  people  of  the  large  isle  re¬ 
joiced  greatly  when  they  saw  the  host  thus  scat¬ 
tered  and  many  of  them  cast  upon  the  islet.  As 
soon  as  the  sea  calmed,  they  assembled  a  great 
number  of  .ships,  sailed  thither  and  landed,  hoping 
to  capture  all  those  refugees.  But  when  the  latter 
saw  that  their  enemies  had  disembarked,  leaving 
the  vessels  unguarded,  they  skilfully  retreated  to 
another  quarter,  and  continued  moving  about  till 
they  reached  the  ships,  and  went  on  board  without 
any  opposition.  They  then  sailed  direct  for  the 
principal  island,  hoisting  its  own  standards  and 
ensigns.  On  seeing  these,  the  people  believed  their 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


361 


own  countrymen  had  returned,  and  allowed  them 
to  enter  the  city.  *The  Tartars,  finding  it  defended 
only  hy  old  men,  soon  drove  them  out,  retaining 
the  women  as  slaves.  When  the  king  and  his 
warriors  saw  themselves  thus  deceived,  and  their 
city  captured,  they  were  like  to  die  of  grief ;  but 
they  assembled  other  ships,  and  invested  it  so 
closely  as  to  prevent  all  communication.  The 
invaders  maintained  it  seven  months,  and  planned 
day  and  night  how  they  might  convey  tidings  to 
their  master  of  their  present  condition  ;  but  finding 
this  impossible,  they  agreed  with  the  besiegers  to 
surrender,  securing  only  their  lives.  This  took 
place  in  the  year  1269.  The  Great  Khan,  however, 
ordered  one  of  the  commanders  of  this  host  to  lose 
his  head,  and  the  other  to  be  sent  to  the  isle  where 
he  had  caused  the  loss  of  so  many  men,  and  there 
put  to  death.  I  have  to  relate  also  a  very  wonder¬ 
ful  tiling,  that  these  two  barons  took  a  number  of 
persons  in  a  castle  of  Cipango,  and  because  they 
had  refused  to  surrender,  ordered  all  their  heads  to 
be  cut  off ;  but  there  wrere  eight  on  whom  they 
could  not  execute  this  sentence,  because  these  wore 
consecrated  stones  in  the  arm  between  the  skin 
and  the  flesh,  which  so  enchanted  them,  that  they 
could  not  die  by  steel.  They  were  therefore  beaten 
to  death  with  clubs,  and  the  stones,  being  extracted, 
were  held  very  precious.  But  I  must  leave  this 
matter  and  go  on  with  the  narrative. 

46 


MAllCO 

POLO. 


362 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 

POLO. 

Paper  Money — Immense  Wealth  of  the  Great  Khan. 

With  regard  to  the  money  of  Kambalu,  the  Great 
Khan  may  be  called  a  perfect  alchymist,  for  he 
makes  it  himself.  He  orders  people  to  collect  the 
bark  of  a  certain  tree,  whose  leaves  are  eaten  by 
the  worms  that  spin  silk.  The  thin  rind  between 
the  bark  and  the  interior  wood  is  taken,  and  from 
it  cards  are  formed  like  those  of  paper,  all  black. 
He  then  causes  them  to  be  cut  into  pieces,  and 
each  is  declared  worth  respectively  half  a  livre,  a 
whole  one,  a  silver  grosso  of  Venice,  and  so  on  to 
the  value  of  ten  bezants.  All  these  cards  are 
stamped  with  his  seal,  and  so  many  are  fabricated, 
that  they  would  buy  all  the  treasuries  in  the  world. 

'  He  makes  all  his  payments  in  them,  and  circulates 
them  through  the  kingdoms  and  provinces  over 
which  lie  holds  dominion ;  and  none  dares  to  refuse 
them  under  pain  of  death.  All  the  nations  under 
his  sway  receive  and  pay  this  money  for  their  mer¬ 
chandise,  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  and  what¬ 
ever  they  transport,  buy,  or  sell.  The  merchants 
often  bring  to  him  goods  worth  400,000  bezants, 
and  he  pays  them  all  in  these  cards,  which  they 
willingly  accept,  because  they  can  make  purchases 
with  them  throughout  the  whole  empire.  He  fre¬ 
quently  commands  those  who  have  gold,  silver, 
cloths  of  silk  and  gold,  or  other  precious  commodi¬ 
ties,  to  bring  them  to  him.  Then  he  calls  twelve 
men  skilful  in  these  matters,  and  commands  them 


I 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

to  look  at  the  articles,  and  fix  their  price.  What¬ 
ever  they  name  is  paid  in  these  cards,  which  the 
merchant  cordially  receives.  In  this  manner  the 
great  sire  possesses  all  the  gold,  silver,  pearls,  and 
precious  stones  in  his  dominions.  When  any  of 
the  cards  are  torn  or  spoiled,  the  owner  carries 
them  to  the  place  whence  they  were  issued,  and 
receives  fresh  ones,  with  a  deduction  of  3  per  cent. 
If  a  man  wishes  gold  or  silver  to  make  plate,  gir¬ 
dles,  or  other  ornaments,  he  goes  to  the  office,  car¬ 
rying  a  sufficient  number  of  cards,  and  gives  them 
in  payment  for  the  quantity  which  he  requires. 
This  is  the  reason  why  the  Khan  has  more  treas¬ 
ure  than  any  other  lord  in  the  world ;  nay,  all  the 
princes  in  the  world  together  have  not  an  equal 
amount. 

The  Care  and  Bounty  of  the  Monarch  towards 

his  Subjects. 

He  sends  his  messengers  through  all  his  king¬ 
doms  and  provinces,  to  know  if  any  of  his  sub¬ 
jects  have  had  their  crops  injured  through  had 
weather  or  any  other  disaster ;  and  if  such,  injury 
has  happened,  he  does  not  exact  from  them  any 
tribute  for  that  season  or  year ;  nay,  he  gives  them 
corn  out  of  his  own  stores  to  subsist  upon,  and  to 
sow  their  fields.  This  he  does  in  summer ;  in  win¬ 
ter  he  inquires  if  there  has  been  a  mortality  among 
the  cattle,  and  in  that  case  grants  similar  exemption 
and  aid.  When  there  is  a  great  abundance  of 


363 

MARCO 

POLO. 


364 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


MARCO 
I OLO. 


grain,  he  causes  magazines  to  be  formed,  to  contain 
wheat,  rice,  millet,  or  barley,  and  care  to  be  taken 
that  it  be  not  lost  or  spoiled ;  then  when  a  scarcity 
occurs,  this  grain  is  drawn  forth,  and  sold  for  a  third 
or  fourth  of  the  current  price.  Thus  there  cannot 
be  any  severe  famine  ;  for  he  does  it  through  all  his 
dominions ;  he  bestows  also  great  charity  on  many 
poor  families  in  Kambalu ;  and  when  he  hears  of 
individuals  who  have  not  food  to  eat,  he  causes 
grain  to  be  given  to  them.  Bread  is  not  refused  at 
the  court  throughout  the  whole  year  to  any  who 
come  to  beg  for  it ;  and  on  this  account  he  is  adored 
as  a  god  by  his  people.  His  majesty  provides  them 
also  with  raiment  out  of  his  tithes  of  wool,  silk,  and 
hemp.  These  materials  he  causes  to  be  woven  into 
different  sorts  of  cloth,  in  a  house  erected  for  that 
purpose,  where  every  artisan  is  obliged  to  work  one 
day  in  the  week  for  his  service.  Garments  made 
of  the  stuffs  thus  manufactured  are  given  to  desti¬ 
tute  families  for  their  winter  and  summer  dresses. 
A  dress  is  also  prepared  for  his  armies ;  and  in  ev¬ 
ery  city  a  quantity  of  woollen  cloth  is  woven,  be¬ 
ing  defrayed  from  the  tithes  there  levied.  It  must 
be  observed,  that  the  Tartars,  according  to  their 
original  customs,  when  they  had  not  yet  adopted 
the  religion  of  the  idolaters,  never  bestowed  alms  ; 
but  when  applied  to  by  any  necessitous  person,  re¬ 
pelled  him  with  reproachful  expressions,  saying, — 
begone  with  your  complaints  of  a  bad  season,  God 
has  sent  it  to  you,  and  had  iie  loved  you,  as  he  evi¬ 
dently  loves  me,  you  would  have  similarly  prosper- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


3  65 


ed.  But  since  some  of  the  wise  men  among  the 
idolaters,  especially  the  baksi,  have  represented  to 
his  majesty,  that  to  provide  for  the  poor  is  a  good 
work  and  highly  grateful  to  their  deities,  he  has  be¬ 
stowed  charity  in  the  manner  now  described,  so 
that,  at  his  court,  none  are  denied  food  who  come  to 
ask  for  it.  He  has  also  so  arranged  that  in  all  the 
highways  by  which  messengers,  merchants,  and 
other  persons  travel,  trees  are  planted  at  short 
distances  on  both  sides  of  the  road,  and  are  so 
tall  that  they  can  be  seen  from  a  great  distance. 
They  serve  thus  both  to  show  the  way  and  af¬ 
ford  a  grateful  shade.  This  is  done  whenever 
the  nature  of  the  soil  admits  of  plantation ;  hut 
when  the  route  lies  through  sandy  deserts  or  over 
rocky  mountains,  he  has  ordered  stones  to  be  set 
up,  or  columns  erected,  to  guide  the  traveller.  Of¬ 
ficers  of  rank  are  appointed,  whose  duty  it  is  to  take 
care  that  these  matters  be  properly  arranged,  and 
the  roads  kept  constantly  in  good  order.  Besides 
other  motives,  the  Great  Khan  is  influenced  by  the 
declaration  of  his  soothsayers  and  astrologers,  that 
those  who  plant  trees  receive  long  life  as  their  re¬ 
ward. 


MARCO 

POLO. 


V. 


FELLOW-VOYAGERS  OF  AMERICUS. 

ALONZO  DE  OJEDA  AND  JUAN  DE  LA  COSAJ 

qjeda.  A  brief  notice  of  the  early  career  of  the  first  of 
these  navigators  has  been  given  previously  in  this 
volume.  His  subsequent  exploits  are  quite  inter¬ 
esting.  It  has  already  been  seen  from  the  account 
of  Americus,  who  was  his  fellow-voyager  in  1499, 
that  he  could  have  realized  but  a  very  trifling  profit 
from  his  share  in  that  expedition.  In  fact,  he  ac¬ 
quired  nothing  but  renown  as  a  bold  and  skilful  fol¬ 
lower  of  the  seas.  Many  were  the  tales  which  were 
circulated  of  his  prowess  and  intrepidity,  and  his 
popularity  with  the  people,  ever  moved  to  enthusi¬ 
asm  by  daring  exploits,  seconded  by  the  powerful 
interest  of  his  patron,  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  led  him 
prosperously  onward  to  royal  favour.  Soon  after 

1  This  illustration  of  the  lives  of  full  accounts  of  Mr.  Irving,  who,. 
Ojeda  and  De  la  Cosa  is  abridged  as  he  says  in  his  Preface,  has  con- 
mainly  from  the  work  of  Mr.  Ir-  suited  this  work,  as  well  as  many 
ving,  entitled  the  Lives  of  the  other  valuable  works  and  docu- 
Companions  of  Columbus.  It  ments  of  reference,  presented  so 
was  originally  intended  to  have  complete  an  array  of  material 
translated  such  portions  of  the  that  it  wras  determined  to  abandon 
“  Viages  Menores”  of  Navarrete  the  original  intention  for  the  pres- 
as  referred  to  the  subject,  but  the  ent  plan. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


367 


his  return,  he  received  a  grant  of  six  leagues  of 
land  in  Hispaniola,  and  permission  to  fit  out  vessels 
for  a  further  prosecution  of  discoveries  on  the  coast 
of  the  mainland.  He  was  prohibited  from  inter¬ 
fering  with  the  traffic  on  the  coast  of  Paria,  within 
certain  limits,  but  was  granted  a  right  to  trade  in 
all  other  parts,  on  condition  of  paying  one-fifth  of 
the  profits  of  his  voyage  to  the  king.  He  was  au¬ 
thorized  to  colonize  Coquibacoa,  and  as  an  induce¬ 
ment  was  to  receive  half  the  revenue  of  the  new 
colony,  unless  it  exceeded  300,000  maravedis,  in 
which  case  the  surplus  was  to  go  to  the  crown. 

With  such  brilliant  prospects  before  him,  Ojeda 
found  no  difficulty  in  finding  partners  and  assist¬ 
ance  in  his  undertaking.  Juan  de  Vergara  and 
Garcia  de  Campos  joined  in  his  enterprise,  making 
a  partnership  agreement  for  the  term  of  two  years. 
They  fitted  out  four  ships,  the  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Antigua,  the  Santa  Maria  de  la  Granada,  the  cara¬ 
vel  Magdalena,  and  the  caravel  Santa  Ana.  His 
partners  each  commanded  one  of  the  first-named 
vessels,  his  nephew,  Pedro,  the  third,  and  Hernando 
de  Guevara  the  fourth  ;  the  whole  fleet  being  con¬ 
trolled  by  Ojeda  himself. 

The  expedition  set  sail  in  1502,  and  after  pro¬ 
curing  the  usual  supply  of  provisions  at  the  Cana¬ 
ries,  crossed  the  ocean  in  safety,  and  touched  the 
shores  of  the  New  World  on  the  coast  of  Cumana. 
This  was  the  native  name  of  the  country,  but  Oje¬ 
da  called  it  V  al-fermoso,  on  account  of  its  beauty 
and  fertility.  While  supplying  the  immediate  ne- 


FSL  LOW- 
VOYAGERS 
OF 

AMERICUS. 


Juan  de  Ver¬ 
gara  and 
Garcia  de 
Campos. 


368 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Settlement 
at  Bahia 
Honda. 


cessities  of  his  vessels  on  this  coast,  Ojeda  adopted 
aiq expedient  savouring  more  of  policy  than  justice. 
Knowing  that  he  should  want  many  utensils  and 

articles  of  common  use  in  his  new  colony,  he  de- 

«/  / 

termined  to  procure  them  from  the  natives  of  Cu- 
mana,  rather  than  enrage  the  Indians  in  the  neigh¬ 
bourhood  of  his  proposed  settlement.  Their  pillage 
was  successful,  but  was  the  occasion  of  much 
bloodshed.  Notwithstanding  the  orders  of  Ojeda 
to  his  men,  to  do  as  little  damage  as  possible,  the 
poor  Indians  suffered  severely,  their  cabins  were 
burnt,  and  several  of  their  women  carried  into  cap¬ 
tivity,  or  only  returned  to  them  on  the  payment  of 
a  ransom.  To  the  honour  of  Ojeda,  it  is  said  that 
he  took  nothing  of  the  spoil  but  a  hammock. 

After  a  while  the  fleet  proceeded  to  Cocpiibacoa, 
but  finding  the  country  in  the  neighbourhood  ex¬ 
tremely  sterile,  they  went  on  further  to  a  bay 
which  Ojeda  called  Santa  Cruz,  and  is  the  present 
Bahia  Honda,  where  it  was  determined  to  form  a 
settlement.  They  found  in  this  place  a  Spaniard, 
who  had  been  left  by  Bastides,  a  voyager  who  had 
visited  those  parts  about  a  year  previously.  He 
had  since  been  living  peaceably  with  the  Indians, 
and  had  acquired  their  language.  The  natives  at 
first  attempted  to  oppose  the  landing  of  Span¬ 
iards,  but  were  soon  overawed  by  the  display  of 
force  which  Ojeda  made,  and  came  forward  to 
greet  them  with  presents.  The  adventurers  im¬ 
mediately  commenced  building  their  fortress,  and 
storing  in  it  their  goods  and  provisions.  All  the 


OJEDA  IN  IRONS 


'fpTwr^ 


They  had  hardly  put  out  to  sea  before  a  fierce  quarrel  arose  "between  Talavera  and 
himself,  with  regard  to  their  respective  rights  of  command,  which  ended  in 
hia  being  seized  by  the  freebooter's  crew  and  loaded  with  irons. 

(See  Page  388  ) 


. 


. 


' 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


369 


gold  which  they  acquired  by  barter  or  plunder, 
was  deposited  in  a  safe  box,  under  two  keys,  one 
of  which  was  kept  by  the  royal  officer  who  accom¬ 
panied  the  expedition,  and  the  other  by  Ocampo. 

All  the  gold,  however,  which  they  were  enabled 
to  collect  did  not  supply  them  with  provisions, 
which  grew  day  by  day  more  scarce,  notwithstand¬ 
ing  the  energetic  efforts  of  the  foraging  parties 
continually  despatched  by  the  commander  to  ran¬ 
sack  the  country.  The  people  murmured  at  their 
deprivations  and  sufferings,  and  above  all  a  fear 
arose  among  them  that  they  would  lose  their 
means  of  departure,  in  consequence  of  their  ships 
having (been  attacked  by  a  species  of  worm,  which 
bored  holes  in  the  planks,  and  caused  them  to  leak 
greatly.  As  is  ever  the  case,  discontent  produced 
recrimination  and  quarrels,  and  the  factions  of  the 
petty  colony  rose  at  last  to  such  a  height,  that  his 
partners  at  length  entrapped  Ojeda  on  board  of  one 
of  the  caravels,  seized  him,  and  put  him  in  irons. 
They  gave  out  that  he  had  gone  farther  than  his 
license  from  the  sovereigns  allowed,  that  he  was  a 
defaulter,  for  whom  they  would  be  liable  as  sure¬ 
ties,  and  that  they  were  determined  to  take  him  to 
Spain  for  trial. 

Ojeda  made  one  or  two  attempts  to  compromise 
with  his  partners  without  success,  and  at  last  they 
sailed  in  the  beginning  of  September,  carrying 
away  with  them  the  whole  colony,  and  the  strong¬ 
box,  which  was  the  main  cause  of  all  their  dis¬ 
putes.  When  they  arrived  at  the  western  coast 

47 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Quarrels  of 
Ojeda  and 
his  partners. 


370 

FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Legal  pro¬ 
cess  against 
Ojeda. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

of  Hispaniola,  their  captive  governor  made  a  des¬ 
perate  attempt  to  escape  from  his  confinement. 
The  vessels  were  lying  at  anchor,  about  a  stone’s 
throw  from  the  shore,  when,  relying  upon  his  ac¬ 
tivity  and  skill  as  a  swimmer,  he  slipped  quietly 
over  the  side  into  the  water,  in  the  night-time,  and 
made  for  the  shore.  But  though  his  arms  were 
left  free,  his  feet  were  chained,  and  finding  that  the 
weight  of  his  shackles  was  sinking  him,  he  was 
compelled  to  cry  for  help,  and,  half  drowned,  was 
again  put  into  confinement  on  board. 

When  they  arrived  St.  Domingo,  a  long  lawsuit 
took  place  before  the  Chief  Judge  of  the  island, 
who  found  Ojeda  guilty,  in  spite  of  his  protesta¬ 
tions  that  his  partners  were  the  persons  in  fault. 
The  decision  pronounced  him  a  defaulter,  stripped 
him  of  all  his  effects,  and  brought  him  heavily  in 
debt  to  the  government.  For  a  time  he  was  looked 
upon  as  a  ruined  man,  and  though,  subsequently, 
on  an  appeal  by  Ojeda  to  the  royal  council,  the 
case  was  reconsidered,  the  decision  reversed,  and 
an  order  issued  for  the  restoration  of  his  property, 
yet  the  expenses  of  the  lawsuit,  in  which  he  was 
engaged  for  nearly  a  year,  consumed  all  his  small 
fortune,  and  left  him  a  bankrupt,  though  trium¬ 
phant,  litigant. 

This  judicial  contest  was  decided  in  1503,  and 
for  some  years  after  that  period  no  record  appears 
concerning  the  movements  of  Ojeda,  excepting  one, 
which,  without  particularizing,  mentions  that  he 
made  another  voyage  to  the  vicinity  of  Coquibacoa 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

In  1505.  In  1508  he  is  found  again  in  Hispaniola. 
With  the  roving  and  restless  habits  of  the  mariner, 
he  seems  to  have  united  the  common  fault  of 
sailors  of  all  countries,  a  reckless  and  profuse  ex¬ 
travagance,  which  led  him  to  squander  his  re¬ 
sources,  and  kept  him  always  in  a  state  of  poverty, 
although  it  did  not  weaken  his  love  of  daring  en¬ 
terprise. 

About  this  time  the  cupidity  of  King  Ferdinand 
was  attracted  by  the  gold  mines  of  the  coast  of 
Veragua,  and  projects  were  set  on  foot  to  establish 
colonies  in  that  direction.  Indisposed  to  increase 
the  power  of  Columbus  and  his  family,  the  wary 
monarch  looked  about  for  some  one  to  appoint  to 
the  command  of  these  colonies,  and  amon^  others, 
Ojeda  was  thought  of  for  the  post.  Although  pos¬ 
sessing,  in  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  a  strong  friend  at 
court,  he  was,  unfortunately,  too  far  absent  and  too 
poor  to  urge  his  claims,  and  had  it  not  been  for  his 
lucky  meeting  with  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  he  would 
probably  never  have  obtained  the  appointment. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  even  at  the  time  when  he 
accompanied  Americus  on  his  second  voyage,  in 
the  capacity  of  pilot,  a  veteran  in  maritime  affairs. 
He  had  previously  sailed  with  Columbus,  and,  as 
Navarrete  says,  somewhat  sneeringly,  “  in  the  opin¬ 
ion  of  others  as  well  as  of  himself,”  was  thought 
not  to  be  inferior  to  Columbus  in  his  knowledge  of 
navigation.1  Peter  Martyr  relates,  that  the  Span¬ 
iards  esteemed  the  maps  which  were  drawn  by 

1  Navarrete,  tom.  iii.  p.  4. 


371 

FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


The  gold 
mines  of 
Veragua. 


Juan  de  la 
Cosa. 


372 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Voyage  of 
Bastides. 


him,  and  by  another  pilot  named  Andres  Morales, 
as  the  best  in  the  world,  and  that  they  were 
“  thought  to  be  more  cunning  in  that  part  of  cos¬ 
mography  which  teacheth  the  description  and 
measuring  of  the  sea,  than  any  others”1  Soon 
after  his  return  from  the  New  World,  in  1500,  in 
the  month  of  October  in  that  year,  he  was  solicited 
by  Rodrigo  de  Bastides,  to  accompany  him,  in  two 
caravels  which  he  had  fitted  out,  to  search  for  gold 
and  pearls.  Bastides  was  a  notary,  and  knew  no¬ 
thing  of  navigation,  but  confided  the  whole  manage* 
ment  of  the  navigation  to  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  who  ex¬ 
tended  his  fame  for  sound  discretion  and  able  sea¬ 
manship. 

This  voyage  was  extremely  successful,  and  they 
had  collected  an  immense  amount  of  gold  and 
pearls,  when  their  good  fortune  was  checked  by  an 
unlooked-for  event.  They  found  that  their  vessels 
were  eaten  through  in  many  places  by  the  destruc¬ 
tive  worms  which  abound  in  the  Torrid  Zone,  and 
leaked  so  badly  that  they  could  scarcely  be  kept 
afloat  long  enough  to  enable  them  to  reach  Hispan¬ 
iola.  There  they  repaired  their  craft  and  put  to 
sea,  with  the  intention  of  returning  to  Cadiz,  but 
were  once  more  controlled  by  evil  fortune,  and 
driven  back  again  by  a  succession  of  storms.  The 
leaks  broke  out  afresh,  and  after  landing  the  most 
portable  part  of  their  rich  cargo,  the  vessels  foun¬ 
dered  before  they  could  get  out  the  remainder. 
Bastides  also  lost  the  arms  and  ammunition  saved 


1  P.  Martyr.  Decade  ii.  c.  10. 


t 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


373 


from  the  wrecks,  being  compelled  to  destroy  them,  fellow- 
lest  they  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  V0YA^ERS 

The  crew  were  divided  into  three  parties,  two  A_MERICUS; 
of  which  were  headed  by  Bastides  and  De  la  Cosa, 
and  started  for  St.  Domingo  by  three  different 
routes.  Bobadilla,  at  that  time  Governor  of  San 
Domingo,  heard  of  their  approach,  and  ordering 
them  to  be  arrested  on  the  charge  of  pursuing  an 
illicit  traffic  with  the  Indians,  sent  them  to  Spain. 

He  was  tried  there  and  acquitted,  and  so  lucrative 
had  the  voyage  proved,  that  he  was  enabled  to  pay 
a  handsome  sum  to  the  crown,  besides  reserving  a 
large  fortune  for  himself.  In  reward  for  his  servi¬ 
ces,  the  sovereigns  granted  him  an  annual  revenue 
for  life,  to  be  drawn  from  the  province  of  Uraba, 
which  he  had  discovered,  and  an  equal  pension 
was  assigned  to  De  la  Cosa,  with  the  office  of  Al- 
guazil  Mayor  of  the  same  territory  to  which  he  was 
appointed. 

It  is  probable  that  the  veteran  pilot  remained  at 
home  for  some  time  after  his  return  from  this  voy¬ 
age,  enjoying  his  well-earned  fortune,  for  it  has 
been  seen  that  he  was  ordered  to  attend  the  court 
in  company  with  Americus,  soon  after  the  return 
of  King  Ferdinand  from  his  journey  to  Naples. 

Soon  after  that  time,  he  went  to  Hispaniola. 

The  history  of  the  veteran  was  from  this  time  connection 
till  his  death  intimately  connected  with  that  of  cofsaDw?th 
Ojeda.  He  had  managed  to  acquire  bv  his  fortu-  °jeda' 
nate  voyage  with  Bastides,  and  in  the  course  of  his 
other  rainblings,  considerable  property,  and  having 


/ 


374 


LIFE  AND  YOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Bitter  feud 
between 
Ojeda  and 
Nicuessa. 


a  high  opinion  of  the  talents  and  energy  of  Ojeda, 
with  all  the  openheartedness  of  a  sailor,  he  placed 
all  his  means  at  the  disposal  of  his  less  fortunate 
friend.  It  was  concerted  between  them  that  Cosa 
should  proceed  to  Spain  to  promote  his  appoint¬ 
ment  by  suit  at  court,  and  though  opposed  by  a 
powerful  rival,  Don  Diego  de  Nicuessa,  he  was  suc¬ 
cessful,  at  least  in  part.  King  Ferdinand,  with  his 
usual  shrewdness,  favoured  both  the  candidates, 
and  dividing  that  part  of  the  continent  which  lies 
along  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  into  two  governments, 
lie  gave  the  eastern  portion,  extending  to  Cape  De 
la  Vela,  to  Ojeda,  and  the  western,  including  Vera- 
gua,  and  extending  to  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios,  to  Ni¬ 
cuessa.  Eacli  of  them  was  bound  to  erect  two 
forts  in  their  respective  districts,  and  were  allowed 
the  product  of  the  mines  they  should  discover,  after 
a  certain  deduction  for  the  crown. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  received  the  appointment  of 
Lieutenant  under  Ojeda,  and  immediately  fitted  out 
a  fleet  of  a  ship  and  two  brigantines,  in  which  he 
embarked  with  about  two  hundred  men.  The  ar¬ 
mament  of  Nicuessa  was  much  more  powerful, 
owing  to  his  greater  command  of  means.  These 

o  o 

rival  expeditions  arrived  at  San  Domingo  at  the 
same  time.  Ojeda  welcomed  his  lieutenant  with 
joy,  and  though  somewhat  mortified  at  the  small¬ 
ness  of  his  force  compared  with  that  of  Nicuessa, 
he  soon  found  means,  in  the  purses  of  his  friends 
on  the  island,  to  recruit  and  increase  his  forces. 

During  their  stay,  a  feud  arose  between  the  rival 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


375 


Governors.  The  bone  of  contention  was  the  Island  fellow- 

VOYAGERS 

of  Jamaica,  which  had  been  assigned  undivided  to  of 

,  ,  „  ,  .  i .  rt  AMERICUS. 

both  of  them  as  a  place  to  procure  supplies  lor - 

their  respective  colonies.  Both  of  them  claimed 
also  the  province  of  Darien  as  within  their  domin¬ 
ions.  Ojeda,  who  was  a  better  fighter  than  rea- 
soner,  proposed  to  settle  their  dispute  by  a  personal 
combat,  but  the  more  prudent  Nicuessa,  smiling  at 
the  heat  of  his  rival,  insisted  upon  a  deposit  of  five 
thousand  Castillanos  on  each  side,  to  be  the  prize 
of  the  conqueror,  which  he  knew  the  purse  of  Oje¬ 
da  would  be  too  poor  to  furnish,  though  his  pride 
was  too  great  to  acknowledge  it.  Juan  de  la 
Cosa,  however,  interposed  to  prevent  any  violence. 

The  influence  which  the  veteran  had  over  the  im¬ 
petuous  spirit  of  his  commander  is  interesting.  He 
seems  to  have  stood  by  him  as  a  Mentor,  and 
warmly  attached  to  one  whom  he  knew  to  be 
faithful  and  devoted,  and  of  courage  beyond  ques¬ 
tion,  Ojeda  suffered  himself  to  be  controlled  in  his 
rash  impulses.  The  dispute  was  settled  by  the  es¬ 
tablishment  of  the  river  Darien  as  the  boundary  of 
the  two  governments,  a  most  salutary  compromise, 
owing  entirely  to  the  good  judgment  of  the  veter¬ 
an  pilot.  The  difference  respecting  Jamaica  was 
settled  by  Don  Diego  Columbus  himself,  who  took 
possession  of  it  in  the  right  of  his  father. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  1509,  Ojeda  set  sail  Departure 
from  St.  Domingo.  His  force  consisted  of  two  Domingo, 

°  15th  Nov., 

ships,  two  brigantines,  and  three  hundred  men,  1509. 
among  whom  was  the  celebrated  Pizarro.  after- 


376 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


fellow-  wards  the  conqueror  of  Peru.  Cortez  likewise  in- 

VOYAGERS  A 

of  tended  to  have  sailed  in  the  fleet,  but  was  prevent- 

AMERICUS.  ,  .  .  ,  ....  „  1 

- - ed  by  sickness.  The  voyage  was  short,  for  the 

experienced  De  la  Cosa  knew  well  the  navigation. 
.  He  knew  too  the  warlike  and  treacherous  charac¬ 
ter  of  the  natives,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade 
Ojeda  to  commence  a  settlement  in  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  where  the  people  were  less  ferocious,  and 
did  not  use  poisoned  arrows.  Ojeda,  however, 

4  would  not  alter  his  plans,  and  it  is  thought  he  had 

no  objection  to  the  prospect  of  a  skirmish  with  the 
natives,  for  in  that  way  he  hoped  to  capture  slaves 
enough  to  pay  off  his  debts  in  Hispaniola.  He 

e,  with  the  largest  part  of  his  force, 
and  with  a  number  of  friars,  who  accompanied  him 
as  missionaries  to  convert  the  Indians,  and  his 
faithful  lieutenant,  unable  to  keep  him  out  of  dan¬ 
ger,  stood  by  to  second  him.  He  advanced  towards 
the  savages,  who  were  drawn  up  on  the  shore,-  and 
ordered  the  friars  to  read  aloud  a  certain  manifesto, 
which  had  recently  been  prepared  by  divines  and 
juristo  in  Spain,  to  be  used  in  such  emergencies, 
and  which  is  sufficiently  curious  to  merit  being 
copied  in  full.  It  reads  as  follows : 

Prociama*  u  I,  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  servant  of  the  high  and 

lion  of  Ojeda  .  ,  .  .  0 

to  the  in-  mighty  kings  of  Castile  and  Leon,  civilizers  of  bar- 

(llclXIS* 

barous  nations,  their  messenger  and  captain,  notify 
and  make  known  to  you,  in  the  best  way  I  can,  that 
God  our  Lord,  one  and  eternal,  created  the  heavens 
and  the  earth,  and  one  man  and  one  woman,  from 
whom  you,  and  we,  and  all  the  people  of  the  earth 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


377 


were  and  are  descendants,  procreated,  and  all  those 
who  shall  come  after  us ;  but  the  vast  number  of 
generations  which  have  proceeded  from  them,  in 
the  course  of  more  than  five  thousand  years  that 
have  elapsed  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  made 
it  necessary  that  some  of  the  human  race  should 
disperse  in  one  direction  and  some  in  another,  and 
that  they  should  divide  themselves  into  many  king¬ 
doms  and  provinces,  as  they  could  not  sustain  and 
preserve  themselves  in  one  alone.  All  these  peo¬ 
ple  were  given  in  charge,  by  God  our  Lord,  to  one 
person,  named  Saint  Peter,  who  was  thus  made 
lord  and  superior  of  all  the  people  of  the  earth,  and 
head  of  the  whole  human  lineage,  whom  all  should 
obey,  wherever  they  might  live,  and  whatever  might 
be  their  law,  sect  or  belief ;  he  gave  him  also  the 
whole  world  for  his  service  and  jurisdiction,  and 
though  he  desired  that  he  should  establish  his 
chair  in  Rome,  as  a  place  most  convenient  for  gov¬ 
erning  the  world,  yet  he  permitted  that  he  might 
establish  his  chair  in  any  other  part  of  the  world, 
and  judge  and  govern  all  the  nations,  Christians, 
Moors,  Jews,  Gentiles,  and  whatever  other  sect  or 
belief  might  be.  This  person  was  denominated 
Pope,  that  is  to  say,  admirable,  supreme,  father 
and  guardian,  because  he  is  father  and  governor  of 
all  mankind.  This  holy  father  was  obeyed  and 
honoured  as  lord,  king,  and  superior  of  the  uni¬ 
verse  by  those  who  lived  in  his  time,  and,  in  like 
manner,  have  been  obeyed  and  honoured  by  all 
those  who  have  been  elected  to  the  Pontificate, 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


48 


378 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


and  thus  it  lias  continued  unto  the  present  day, 
and  will  continue  until  the  end  of  the  world. 

One  of  these  Pontiffs  of  whom  I  have  spoken, 
as  lord  of  the  world,  made  a  donation  of  these 
islands  and  continents,  of  the  ocean,  sea,  and  all 
that  they  contain,  to  the  Catholic  kings  of  Castile, 
who,  at  that  time,  were  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of 
glorious  memory,  and  to  their  successors,  our  sov¬ 
ereigns,  according  to  the  tenor  of  certain  papers 
drawn  up  for  the  purpose  (which  you  may  see  if 
you  desire).  Thus  his  majesty  is  king  and  sove¬ 
reign  of  these  islands  and  continents  by  virtue  of 
the  said  donation  ;  and  as  king  and  sovereign,  cer¬ 
tain  islands,  and  almost  all  to  whom  this  has  been 
notified,  have  received  his  majesty,  and  have  obeyed 
and  served,  and  do  actuallv  serve  him.  And,  more- 
over,  like  good  subjects,  and  with  good-will,  and 
without  any  resistance  or  delay,  the  moment  they 
were  informed  of  the  foregoing,  they  obeyed  all  the 
religious  men  sent  among  them  to  preach  and  teach 
our  Holy  Faith  ;  and  these  of  their  free  and  cheer¬ 
ful  will,  without  any  condition  or  reward,  be¬ 
came  Christians,  and  continue  so  to  be.  And  his 
majesty  received  them  kindly  and  benignantly,  and 
ordered  that  they  should  be  treated  like  his  other 
subjects  and  vassals  :  you,  also,  are  required  and 
obliged  to  do  the  same.  Therefore,  in  the  best 
manner  I  can,  I  pray  and  entreat  you,  that  you 
consider  well  what  I  have  said,  and  that  you 
take  whatever  time  is  reasonable  to  understand  and 
deliberate  upon  it,  and  that  you  recognize  the 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


379 


church  for  sovereign  and  superior  of  the  universal 
world,  and  the  supreme  Pontiff,  called  Pope,  in  her 
name,  and  his  majesty  in  his  place,  as  superior 
and  sovereign  king  of  the  islands  and  Terra  Firma, 
by  virtue  of  the  said  donation  ;  and  that  you  con¬ 
sent  that  these  religious  fathers  declare  and  preach 
to  you  the  foregoing ;  and  if  you  shall  so  do,  you 
will  do  well ;  and  will  do  that  to  which  you  are 
bounden  and  obliged  ;  and  his  majesty,  and  I  in 
his  name,  will  receive  you  with  all  due  love  and 
charity,  and  will  leave  you,  your  wives  and  chil¬ 
dren,  free  from  servitude,  that  you  may  freely  do 
with  these  and  with  '  yourselves  whatever  you 
please,  and  think  proper,  as  have  done  the  inhabi¬ 
tants  of  the  other  islands.  And  besides  this,  bis 
majesty  will  give  you  many  privileges  and  exemp¬ 
tions,  and  grant  you  many  favours.  If  you  do  not  do 
this,  or  wickedly  and  intentionally  delay  to  do  so,  I 
certify  to  you,  that,  by  the  aid  of  God,  I  will  pow¬ 
erfully  invade  and  make  war  upon  you  in  all  parts 
and  modes  that  I  can,  and  will  subdue  you  to  the 
yoke  and  obedience  of  the  church  and  of  his  maj¬ 
esty  :  and  I  will  take  your  wives  and  children  and 
make  slaves  of  them,  and  sell  them  as  such,  and 
dispose  of  them  as  his  majesty  may  command ;  and 
I  will  take  your  effects  and  will  do  you  all  the 
harm  and  injury  in  my  power,  as  vassals  who  will 
not  obey  or  receive  their  sovereign,  and  who  resist 
and  oppose  him.  And  I  protest  that  the  deaths 
and  disasters  which  may  in  this  manner  be  occa¬ 
sioned,  will  be  the  fault  of  yourselves  and  not  of 

t  V 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


380 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


his  majesty,  nor  of  me,  nor  of  these  cavaliers  who 
accompany  me.  And  of  what  I  here  tell  you  and 
require  of  you,  I  call  upon  the  notary  here  present 
to  give  me  his  signed  testimonial.'7 

When  the  friars  had  finished  reading  this  mani¬ 


festo,  Ojeda  endeavoured  to  entice  the  Indians  by 
signs  of  friendship  and  presents,  which  he  exhibit¬ 
ed.  But  they  had  suffered  too  much  from  the  cru- 

*  * 

cities  of  other  adventurers  to  be  won  by  kind  meas¬ 
ures,  and  in  answer  to  his  advances,  brandished 
their  spears  and  prepared  to  fight. 

Do  la  Cosa  Juan  de  la  Cosa  again  renewed  his  entreaties  to 

tries  to  dis-  .  _  ii-ii 

(-uade  Ojeda  Ojeda  to  abandon  the  country,  but  Ins  choler  was 

from  settling 

in  this  part  now  so  much  roused,  that  he  would  not  listen  to 

oi  the  coun¬ 
try-  reason,  and,  forgetful  of  the  poisoned  arrows  of  the 

natives,  he  uttered  a  short  prayer  to  the  Virgin,  in 
whose  protection  he  blindly  confided,  and  buckling 
on  his  armour,  charged  furiously  upon  them.  The 
old  pilot  could'  not  sit  still  and  see  the  fray,  but 
rushed  forward  as  gallantly  as  if  it  had  been  of  his 
own  seeking.  The  Indians  soon  dispersed,  leaving 
a  number  killed  and  wounded  on  the  field,  and  sev¬ 
eral  were  made  prisoners  in  the  course  of  the  pur¬ 
suit,  which  Ojeda  followed  for  three  or  four  miles, 
into  the  interior,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of 
his  Mentor.  Still  De  la  Cosa  kept  up  with  him, 
and  joined  in  all  the  hair-brained  risks  which  he 
ran,  though  continually  remonstrating  against  his 
useless  temerity. 

At  length  they  were  stopped  by  a  stronghold  of 
the  enemy.  With  his  old  war-cry  of  “  Santiago,” 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


381 


Ojeda  led  liis  men  to  a  furious  assault.  Eight  of  fellow- 
the  bravest  of  the  Indian  warriors  threw  them-  of 
selves  into  a  hut,  whence  they  discharged  such  ^-ME--.CL~ 
showers  of  arrows,  that  for  a  time  the  hardiest  of 
the  assailants  were  kept  at  bay.  The  reproaches 
of  Ojeda  reanimate  them,  and  an  old  Castilian  .sol¬ 
dier,  stung  by  his  cry  of  “  Shame,”  fell  pierced 
through  the  heart  by  an  arrow,  on  the  threshold  of 
the  door  which  he  vainly  attempted  to  force.  At 
last,  fire  was  applied  to  the  hut,  which  in  an  in¬ 
stant  was  in  a  blaze,  and  the  eight  warriors  perish¬ 
ed  in  the  flames. 

Then  they  yielded,  and  seventy  captives  were  Death  of 

.  Juan  de  la 

sent  back  to  the  ships.  Still  the  pursuit  was  con-  cosa. 
tinued ;  another  village  was  reached,  which  was 
found  deserted.  The  Indians  had  fled  to  the  moun¬ 
tains  with  their  women  and  children,  and  all  their 
effects.  Thinking  themselves  secure,  by  this  time, 
in  the  terror  of  the  natives,  the  Spaniards  dispersed 
themselves  over  the  country  in  search  of  booty,  in 
small  parties.  Taking  advantage  of  this  incaution, 
the  Indians  again  attacked  them.  They  fought 
resolutely,  but  unavailingly,  and  were  borne  down 
by  overwhelming  numbers.  On  the  first  alarm, 

Ojeda  collected  a  few  soldiers,  and  defended  him¬ 
self  behind  a  stockade  which  he  erected.  Juan  de 
la  Cosa,  hearing  of  his  commander’s  danger,  rushed 
to  his  assistance.  Before  the  gate  of  the  enclosure, 
the  brave  pilot  kept  the  savages  at  bay  until  most 
of  his  followers  were  killed  and  he  himself  severely 
wounded.  Then  Ojeda  dashed  among  tiie  Indians 


382 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


fellow-  like  a  tiger,  dealing  Ins  blows  on  every  side.  La 

VOYAGERS  J 

of  Cosa  was  too  feeble  to  second  him,  and  took  refuge 

A  M  FT?  I  PITS 

— - in  a  cabin,  where  he  defended  himself  till  all  but 

one  of  his  men  were  slain  ;  then  sinking  to  the 
ground,  and  feeling  that  his  death  was  drawing 
nigh,  he  said  to  his  surviving  companion,  u  Brother, 
since  God  has  protected  thee  from  harm,  sally  out 
and  fly,  and  if  ever  thou  shouldest  see  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda,  tell  him  of  my  fate.” 

Character  of  ‘  Thus,”  says  the  eloquent  historian,  in  words 

De  la  Cosa.  ....  '  .  1 

which  it  is  impossible  to  abridge,  “  thus  fell  the 
hardy  Juan  de  la  Cosa;  nor  can  we  refrain  from 
pausing  to  pay  a  passing  tribute  to  his  memory. 
He  was  acknowledged  by  his  contemporaries  to  be 
one  of  the  ablest  of  those  gallant  Spanish  naviga¬ 
tors  who  first  explored  the  way  to  the  New  World. 
But  it  is  by  the  honest  and  kindly  qualities  of  his 
heart  that  his  memory  is  most  endeared  to  us  ;  it  is, 
above  all,  by  that  loyalty  in  friendship  displayed  in 
this  his  last  and  fatal  expedition.  Warmed  by  his 
attachment  for  a  more  youthful  and  hotheaded  ad¬ 
venturer,  we  see  this  wary  veteran  of  the  seas  for¬ 
getting  his  usual  prudence  and  the  lessons  of  his 
experience,  and  embarking,  heart  and  hand,  purse 
and  person,  in  the  wild  enterprises  of  his  favourite. 
We  behold  him  watching  over  him  as  a  parent,  re¬ 
monstrating  with  him  as  a  counsellor,  but  fighting 
by  him  as  a  partisan ;  following  him  without  hesi¬ 
tation  into  known  and  needless  danger,  to  certain 
death  itself,  and  showing  no  other  solicitude  in  his 
dying  moments  but  to  be  remembered  by  his  friend. 


4 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


383 


The  history  of  these  Spanish  discoveries  abound  in  fellow- 

J  r  VOYAGERS 

noble  and  generous  traits  of  character,  but  few  have  of 

°  AMERICUS. 


charmed  us  more  than  this  instance  of  loyalty  to  the 
last  gasp,  in  the  death  of  the  staunch  Juan  de  la 
Cosa.  The  Spaniard  who  escaped  to  tell  the  story 
of  his  end  was  the  only  survivor  of  seventy  that  had 
followed  Ojeda  in  this  rash  and  headlong  inroad.” 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  on  shore,  Great  anxi- 

ety  on  board 

those  who  remained  on  board  their  ships  suffered  the  ships, 

and  escape 

the  greatest  anxiety  for  the  fate  of  their  comrades,  of  Ojeda. 
Some  days,  elapsed  and  no  news  of  them  reached 
the  vessels.  Detached  parties  were  sent  a  short 


distance  into  the  woods  in  search  of  them,  and  boats 
were  manned  and  proceeded  to  examine  the  shores 
in  the  hope  of  seeing  something  of  their  lost  com¬ 
rades.  They  did  not  dare,  however,  to  go  far  in¬ 
land,  for  they  constantly  heard  the  war-whoop  and 
shouts  of  their  savage  foes  ringing  through  the  for¬ 


est.  One  day,  as  they  were  about  giving  up  in  de¬ 
spair,  they  saw  the  body  of  a  man  in  Spanish  attire 
lying  in  a  thicket  of  mangrove  trees,  and  half  con¬ 
cealed  by  the  undergrowth  of  shrubs.  The  roots 
of  the  mangrove  rise  and  intertwine  with  each  other 
above  the  water  in  which  they  grow  ;  and  extended 
on  these  roots,  with  his  buckler  on  and  his  sword 
in  his  hand,  but  so  weakened  by  hunger  and  fa¬ 
tigue  that  he  was  unable  to  speak,  the  Spaniards 
found  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  He  was  chilled  with  the 
damps  of  his  hiding-place,  but  they  soon  kindled  a 
fire,  and,  by  degrees,  he  recovered  sufficiently  to  tell 

them  his  sad  story. 


3S4 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


fellow  He  had  effected  his  purpose  of  cutting  his  way 

VOYoAfGER  through  the  Indians,  and  almost  in  utter  despair  at 
AMERiGus.  ^jie  jogg  0|-  gQ  manv  praye  followers,  lie  had  wan- 

dered  about  alone,  scarcely  knowing  whither  he 
was  going,  and  had  at  last  sunk  down  to  die,  where 
his  remaining  followers  fortunately  found  him. 
All  considered  his  escape  niiraculous,  and  when  it 
was  found  that  he  was  not  wounded,  although  the 
marks  of  over  three  hundred  arrows  were  on  his 
buckler,  their  astonishment  was  redoubled,  and 
Ojeda  himself  attributed  it  to  another  interposition 
of  the  Virgin  in  his  favour.  But  the  Indians  were 
not  destined  to  enjoy  their  triumph  long.  While 
his  companions  were  busily  engaged  in  administer¬ 
ing  to  the  wants  of  their  commander,  the  ships  of 
Nicuessa  appeared  in  the  offing.  Ojeda,  remem¬ 
bering  his  recent  quarrel  with  the  rival  governor, 
feared  that  he  would  take  advantage  of  his  misfor¬ 
tunes,  but  his  apprehensions  were  groundless. 
With  the  true  spirit  of  a  Spanish  Hidalgo,  he  re¬ 
ceived  Ojeda  with  open  arms,  expressed  himself 
willing  to  forget  all  their  differences,  and  placed 
himself  and  his  men  under  the  orders  of  Ojeda,  to 
assist  him  in  dealing  a  blow  of  vengeance  upon  his 
savage  enemies. 

Ojeda,  with  Again  inspirited  by  this  noble  conduct,  Ojeda 
Nicuessa,  prepared  at  once  for  the  attack.  The  two  gover- 
P  another  °r  nors,  no  longer  rivals,  landed  with  four  hundred 

attack.  ;  '  . 

men,  and  set  off  with  promptness  for  the  Indian 
village  in  the  night.  They  surrounded  it  before 
the  natives  were  alarmed,  for  they  thought  that  they 


AMERICAS  VESPUCIUS. 


385 


had  slain  all  the  Spaniards,  and  were  reposing  in  fellow- 
perfect  security.  Their  sleep  was  broken  first  by  vor£®ERS 
the  assault  of  the  exasperated  Spaniards,  wh» AMEKlcua- 

dwellings  in  a  blaze,  and  spared 
neither  women  nor  children  in  the  fury  of  their 
attack.  The  slaughter  was  great,  and  the  ven¬ 
geance  complete,  and  leaving  the  smoking  ashes 
of  the  ruined  village,  the  Spaniards  returned  to 
their  ships. 

While  searching  in  all  directions  for  booty,  of 
which  they  found  a  large  amount,  they  discovered 
the  body  of  the  unfortunate  Juan  de  la  Cosa.  It 
was  tied  to  a  tree,  and  swollen  and  discoloured  in 
a  shocking  manner  by  the  baneful  poison  of  the 
arrows  by  which  he  was  killed.  Bitterly  did 
Ojeda  repent  that  he  had  not  followed  the  advice 
of  his  trusty  lieutenant,  and  in  sadness  and  mourn¬ 
ing  he, prepared  too  tardily  to  adopt  his  plans. 

Having  determined  to  leave  at  once  a  place  settlement 
which  had  been  so  disastrous  to  him,  Ojeda  set  oVurabf 
sail  once  more  with  his  disheartened  followers,  and 
after  having  made  two  or  three  vain  attempts  to 
discover  the  River  Darien,  steered  for  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  on  the  eastern  shore  of  which  he  fixed 
upon  a  place  to  build  his  fortress.  With  his  usual 
energy,  every  thing  that  was  needful  was  soon 
landed  from  the  ships  ;  houses  were  built,  and  his 
embryo  capital,  which  he  called  San  Sebastian, 
was  protected  by  a  strong  wooden  stockade  and 
fortress.  Feeling  the  weakness  of  his  force,  he  lost 
no  time  in  despatching  a  messenger  to  his  friend. 

49 


380 

FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERJCUS. 


Ojeda 

wounded. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 

the  Bachelor  Enciso,  whom  he  had  engaged  in  his  un¬ 
dertaking  in  Hispaniola,  urging  him  to  send  forward 
his  recruits  and  supplies  with  expedition.  Again 
and  again  before  their  expected  reinforcement  could 
have  arrived,  were  they  attacked  by  the  natives, 
and  at  last,  when  their  provisions  began  to  fail,  and 
they  were  compelled  to  forage  among  the  villages, 
in  search,  not  of  gold,  but  of  food,  the  discouraged 
Spaniards  were  entirely  routed,  and  pursued  with 
yells  to  the  very  gates  of  their  fortress.  Some  died 
in  agony  from  their  wounds,  others  perished  with 
famine,  and  death  came  to  be  looked  upon  among 
them  as  a  relief  from  horror  and  misery,  to  be  wel¬ 
comed  rather  than  shunned. 

Ojeda  was  thought  by  the  Indians  to  possess  a 
charmed  life,  for  as  yet  they  had  never  been  able 
even  to  wound  him.  They  determined,  however,  to 
test  the  fact,  and  having  previously  prepared  four  of 
their  best  marksmen,  they  led  him  into  an  ambush 
where  these  men  could  take  sure  aim  at  him. 
Three  of  their  arrows  glanced  harmlessly  from  his 
buckler;  the  fourth  pierced  his  thigh.  Fearing 
from  certain  symptoms  that  it  was  poisoned,  Ojeda 
ordered  his  surgeon  to  apply  to  the  wound  red-hot 
irons,  to  bum  out  the  venom.  The  surgeon  re¬ 
fused,  and  only  yielded  when  Ojeda  made  a  solemn 
vow  that  he  would  have  him  hanged  if  lie  did  not 
comply.  He  endured  this  painful  operation  with¬ 
out  a  groan,  and  the  wound  was  healed ;  the  cold 
poison,  says  the  good  Bishop  Las  Casas,  being  con¬ 
sumed  by  the  vivid  tire. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


387 


In  the  midst  of  their  sufferings,  and  while  daily 
looking  for  the  arrival  of  the  ship  of  the  Bachelor 
Enciso,  a  strange  vessel  made  its  appearance  at 
San  Sebastian.  It  turned  out  to  be  a  Genoese 
vessel  which  had  been  seized  by  one  Talavera, 
and  4  band  of  piratical  desperadoes,  who,  hearing 
of  the  condition  of  Ojeda  and  his  associates,  felt 
sure  of  being  gladly  received  into  his  service,  their 
supplies  of  provisions  and  reinforcement  of  men 
being  absolutely  necessary  to  the  beleaguered  col¬ 
ony.  The  good  father  Charlevoix  thought  their 
arrival  was  a  manifest  interposition  of  Divine  Prov¬ 
idence  in  their  favour,  and  whether  that  was  the 
case  or  not,  it  undoubtedly  saved  them  when  on 
*  the  very  brink  of  destruction.  Still  it  was  only  a 
temporary  relief.  The  ship  of  Enciso  did  not  ar¬ 
rive,  and  in  a  short  time,  famine  again  raged  in  all  its 
horrors,  notwithstanding  the  scrupulous  care  with 
which  Ojeda  doled  out  to  each  of  his  suffering 
comrades  his  scanty  allowance  of  food.  Discon¬ 
tent  and  factions  came  with  hunger,  till  finally 
Ojeda  was  compelled  to  enter  into  an  agreement 
with  his  mutinous  colonists,  which  had  the  effect 
of  quieting  them  for  a  time.  The  agreement  was 
that  he  himself  should  proceed  to  Hispaniola  in 
quest  of  supplies,  and  that  if  at  the  end  of  forty 
days,  during  which  they  were  to  endure  as  well  as 
they  could  the  privations  of  San  Sebastian,  no  relief 
or  tidings  of  him  should  reach  them,  they  were  to 
be  at  liberty  to  abandon  the  colony,  and  return  to 
Hispaniola  in  the  brigantines.  The  government  of 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Arrival  of 
Talayera 
with  scanty 
supplies. 


388 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Departure 
of  Ojeda, 
and  his 
shipwreck. 


the  colony  was,  in  the  meantime,  to  be  left  in  the 
hands  of  Pizarro,  as  his  lieutenant,  until  the  com¬ 
ing  of  the  Bachelor  Enciso. 

Having  concluded  this  convention,  Ojeda  em¬ 
barked  in  the  ship  of  the  piratical  leader.  It  was 
an  unlucky  moment  when  he  consented  to  take 
this  course.  They  had  hardly  put  out  to  sea  be¬ 
fore  a  fierce  quarrel  arose  between  Talavera  and 
himself,  with  regard  to  their  respective  rights  of 
command,  which  ended  in  his  being  seized  by  the 


freebooter’s  crew  and  loaded  with  irons.  In  vain 
did  he  revile  them  as  recreants,  pirates,  and  cow¬ 
ards,  and  offer  to  fight  them  all  if  they  would  give 
him  a  fair  field  on  the  deck,  with  his  weapons  in 
his  hands,  and  attack  him  two  at  a  time.  They 
had  heard  too  much  of  his  skill  and  bravery  not  to 
fear  him  even  with  these  odds,  and  he  would  prob¬ 
ably  have  been  carried  in  irons  to  Hispaniola,  had 
not  a  violent  gale  ensued,  which  induced  the  pirates 
to  set  him  free  in  order  to  have  the  benefit  of  his 
skill  as  a  pilot.  With  all  his  efforts,  however, 
against  storms  and  currents,  he  was  unable  to 
carry  the  vessel  into  her  destined  port.  After  be¬ 
ing  tost  about  by  the  tempest  for  several  days,  he 
was  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  running  her  on 
shore  on  the  southern  side  of  Cuba,  to  prevent  her 
from  foundering  at  sea. 

After  the  wreck  of  their  vessel  the  pirates  found 
themselves  in  a  worse  situation  than  they  were  in 
before  they  had  captured  her.  With  the  undefina- 
ble  yearning  after  the  haunts  of  society,  which  civ- 


\ 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ilized  men  always  feel,  they  were  anxious  to  reach 
Hispaniola,  although  they  knew  that  dungeons  and 
chains  awaited  them.  Their  only  course  was  to 
travel  on  foot  to  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  island, 
and  there  seek  some  means  of  transportation,  and, 
valuable  as  the  aid  of  Ojeda  had  been  to  them  at 
sea,  they  soon  found  that  the  resources  of  his  mind 
were  of  equal  importance  to  them  on  shore.  He 
gradually  gained  the  ascendancy  over  them,  and 
assumed  the  command,  although  they  still  regarded 
him  with  feelings  of  hostility ;  displaying  thus  the 
power  which  a  master-spirit  always  exercises  in 
the  hour  of  difficulty  and  danger. 

Cuba,  not  at  that  time  colonized,  had  become 
the  refuge  of  many  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants 
of  Hayti  who  had  fled  from  the  tasks  and  whips 
of  their  masters,  and  found  temporary  security  in 
the  forests  of  the  neighbouring  island.  Their  ac¬ 
counts  had  inflamed  the  minds  of  many  of  the 
tribes  who  inhabited  the  villages,  so  that  the  march 
of  the  Spaniards  was  continually  opposed  both  by 
the  runaways  and  by  the  natives  themselves.  Oje¬ 
da  at  first  easily  repulsed  their  attacks,  but  finding 
that  his  men  grew  weaker  daily,  he  resolved,  for 
the  remainder  of  the  journey,  to  avoid  as  much  as 
possible  the  villages,  and  accordingly  led  his  men 
into  the  thickest  of  the  forests,  and  by  the  broad 
savannahs,  which  stretched  along  the  seashore. 
While  thus  avoiding  one  evil,  he  met  with  another, 
almost  if  not  quite  as  great.  The  plains  which  the 
Spaniards  entered  at  first,  appeared  covered  with 


389 

FELLOW 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Sufferings 
of  the  Span¬ 
iards  in 
Cuba. 


390 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICIJS. 


high  grass  and  rank  vegetation,  which,  though  it 
rendered  their  progress  slow,  was  but  a  trifling 
matter  to  what  was  in  reserve  for  them.  The 
ground  gradually  became  moist  under  their  feet, 
and  finally  ended  in  an  immense  morass,  or  salt 
marsh,  where  the  water  reached  to  their  knees. 
Still  they  pressed  forward,  continually  encouraged 
by  Ojeda,  who  had  no  idea  of  the  task  he  was  un¬ 
dertaking.  The  marsh  extended  for  upwards  of 
thirty  leagues,  and  the  farther  they  proceeded,  the 
deeper  became  the  mire,  until  at  last  it  seemed  to 
them  interminable,  and  they  were  ready  to  give  up 
in  despair.  Numerous  rivers  and  creeks  intersected 
this  fatal  plain,  which  they  had  to  cross,  and  many 
who  could  not  swim  were  drowned.  The  only 
way  in  which  they  could  sleep,  was  by  climbing 
among  the  twisted  roots  of  the  mangrove  trees, 
which  grew  in  the  water.  Their  provisions  were 
almost  exhausted,  and  their  sufferings  from  thirst 
were  extreme,  when,  having  been  eight  days  upon 
their  journey,  Ojeda  determined  to  struggle  forward 
with  a  few  of  the  least  weary  of  the  men.  He 
encouraged  those  whom  he  left  behind  to  per¬ 
severe,  and  taking  from  his  knapsack  a  small  pic¬ 
ture  of  the  Virgin,  which  the  Bishop  Fonseca  had 
given  him,  and  which  lie  always  carried  about  his 
person,  he  knelt  before  it,  and  made  a  solemn  vow 
that  he  would  erect  a  chapel  for  the  service  of  his 
patroness  in  the  first  Indian  village  at  which  he 
might  arrive. 

Well  did  the  venerable  Bishop  Las  Casas  say, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


391 

“  the  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World,  fellow 
in  their  search  for  gold,  were  more  cruel  and  se-  or 

vere  than  ever  nation  m  tlie  world  endured  ;  but - 

those  experienced  by  Ojeda  and  his  men  have  sur¬ 
passed  all  others.”  They  were  thirty  days  in  cross¬ 
ing  this  immense  and  horrible  swamp.  Out  of 
seventy  men  who  entered  it,  only  thirty-five  ever 
emerged  from  it,  and  when  Ojeda,  with  a  few  of 
the  most  vigorous  of  his  advanced  party,  at  last 
reached  a  spot  where  the  land  was  firm  and  dry, 
their  joy  was  unutterable,  yet  their  weakness  only 
permitted  them  to  go  a  short  distance  to  an  Indian 
village  ere  they  dropped  down  completely  ex¬ 
hausted. 

This  village  was  ruled  by  a  cacique  named  Cu- 
yebas.  His  tribe  gathered  around  the  Spaniards 
with  wonder,  but  as  soon  as  their  story  was  told, 
vied  with  each  other  in  acts  of  humanity  to  the 
suffering  strangers.  They  bore  them  to  their 
houses,  and  furnished  them  with  food  and  drink, 
and  the  chief  sent  a  large  party  into  the  morass 
with  orders  to  bring  out  those  remaining  behind  on 
their  shoulders,  if  they  were  unable  to  walk.  How 
noble  an  example  they  ollered  to  their  Christian 
guests — an  example  of  humanity,  indeed,  which 
would  have  reflected  honour  upon  the  most  civil¬ 
ized  race. 

Oieda,  as  soon  as  he  had  recovered  from  his  suf-  Ojeda  builds 

J  5  a  chapel  in 

ferings,  prepared  faithfully  to  perform  his  vow.  He  fulfilment  of 
built,  a  small  chapel  in  the  village,  and  erected  an 
altar,  over  which  he  suspended  his  much-valued 


392 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


Sends  a 
message  to 
Esquibel,  in 
Jamaica. 


picture  of  the  Virgin.  He  next  explained  to  the 
benevolent  cacique,  and  many  of  the  inhabitants, 
the  main  points  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and  more 
particularly  the  history  of  the  Virgin  Mother. 
However  little  they  understood  the  doctrines  which 
he  endeavoured  to  teach  them,  they  conceived  a 
high  respect  for  the  picture  which  he  left.  They 
ever  kept  the  little  chapel  cleanly  swept,  and 
decorated  with  votive  offerings  and  flowers,  and 
when  Las  Casas  subsequently  visited  the  place,  he 
performed  mass  at  its  altar,  and  baptized  under  its 
roof  the  children  of  the  humane  and  innocent 
natives. 

This  duty  having  been  duly  performed,  Ojeda 
and  his  party  proceeded  on  their  journey.  The  in¬ 
habitants  of  this  part  of  the  coast  received  them 
everywhere  kindly,  and  they  continued  their  way 
to  the  province  of  Macaca,  where  Columbus  had 
previously  been  well  received,  and  where  they  also 
were  hospitably  entertained.  This  province  was 
at  the  Cape  de  la  Cruz,  the  nearest  point  on  the 
coast  to  the  neighbouring  Island  of  Jamaica.  Here 
they  found  a  canoe,  and  one  of  their  men,  by  name 
Pedro  de  Ordas,  undertook  the  dangerous  task  of 
carrying  a  message  across  to  the  Governor  Esqui¬ 
bel.  The  distance  of  twenty  leagues  was  safely 
accomplished  by  the  brave  mariner  in  his  frail 
bark,  and  as  soon  as  the  message  was  delivered  a 
caravel  was  despatched  by  the  governor  to  the  as¬ 
sistance  of  the  unfortunate  discoverer  and  his  com¬ 


panions. 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


393 


It  seems  to  have  been  the  fate  of  Ojeda  to  be 
placed  in  mortifying  positions  with  respect  to  his 
enemies.  This  very  Esquibel,  who  now  received 
him,  with  the  greatest  kindness,  into  his  own  house, 
he  had,  with  foolish  bravado,  threatened  to  decap¬ 
itate,  when  leaving  San  Domingo,  in  all  the  flush 
and  glory  of  commanding  a  new  expedition.  He 
was  no  longer  in  a  position  even  to  assert  the  rights 
with  which  he  conceived  that  Esquibel  had  inter¬ 
fered,  and  his  warm  heart  was  deeply  touched  by 
the  generous  conduct  of  his  adversary.  He  re¬ 
mained  several  days  with  Esquibel,  and  when  he 
set  sail  once  more  for  San  Domingo,  parted  from 
him  in  the  best  friendship. 

On  the  arrival  of  Ojeda  at  this  island  the  first 
enquiry  that  he  made  was  for  the  Bachelor  Enciso. 
He  learned  that  he  had  sailed  long  before  with 
supplies  for  the  colony,  but  that  no  tidings  had 
been  heard  from  him.  Anxious  for  the  safety  of 
his  colony,  and  fearing  that  his  partner  had  perish¬ 
ed  in  the  same  storm  in  which  he  himself  had  been 
wrecked,  he  attempted  to  organize  a  new  arma¬ 
ment.  But  the  prestige  of  success  which  had 
hitherto  attended  him  was  wanting.  His  disasters 
were  well  known,  and  in  every  one’s  mouth,  and 
though  when  figuring  as  the  commander  of  a  new 
fleet,  when  his  previous  exploits  were  the  popular 
theme,  he  found  no  lack  of  friends  or  followers,  yet 
then  all  looked  coldly  upon  him,  and  bankrupt  in 
hope  and  fortune,  his  schemes,  once  so  highly  ex¬ 
tolled,  were  pronounced  wild  and  visionary.  He 

50 


FELLOW- 

VOYAGERS 

OF 

AMERICUS. 


News  of  the 
Bachelor 
Enciso. 


394 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


fellow-  was  unsuccessful  in  all  his  endeavours,  and  never 
voyagers  aga*n  |jle  Xsl^nd  of  Hispaniola. 

AMEmcuh.  ^  -g  sacj  contemplate  the  ruin  of  a  man 
ofaojedIs  possessed  of  so  many  gallant  and  noble  qualities  as 
those  which  distinguished  Ojeda.  He  appears  to 
have  lingered  some  time  at  San  Domingo,  his 
health  broken  by  hardship,  and  his  proud  spirit 
by  poverty  and  neglect.  Las  Casas  gives  an 
affecting  picture  of  his  last  moments.  He  died  in 
such  extreme  want  that  he  did  not  leave  money 
sufficient  to  pay  for  his  funeral  expenses,  and  so 
deep  was  his  humility,  that  he  begged  that  he 
might  be  buried  beneath  the  gateway  of  the  mon¬ 
astery  of  San  Francisco,  as  an  expiation  of  his 
former  pride,  “  in  order  that  all  who  entered  might 
tread  upon  his  grave.” 

“  Never,  ”  says  Charlevoix,  speaking  of  Ojeda, 
“  was  a  man  more  suited  for  a  coup  de  main,  or  to 
achieve  and  suffer  great  things  under  the  direction 
of  another ;  no  one  had  a  heart  more  lofty,  or  an 
ambition  more  aspiring;  no  one  ever  took  less 
heed  of  fortune,  or  showed  greater  firmness  of  soul, 
or  found  more  resources  in  his  own  courage ;  but 
no  one  was  less  calculated  to  be  commander-in¬ 
chief  of  a  great  enterprise.  Good  management  and 
good  fortune  forever  failed  him.” 


V 


9 


VI. 

DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS : 

PRESENTED  IN  THE  COLLECTION  OF  NAVARRETE. 

The  industry  and  research  of  Don  Martin  Fer¬ 
nandez  de  Navarrete  have  rescued  from  the  Span¬ 
ish  archives  of  Simancas  and  Seville  many  notices 
and  documents  relating  to  Americus,  which,  at  first, 
it  seemed  desirable  to  translate  for  this  work.  A 
subsequent  consideration  of  them,  and  the  large 
space  they  would  necessarily  occupy,  if  given  in 
extenso ,  has  led  to  the  substitution  of  an  abstract  of 
their  contents.  They  are  arranged  by  that  author 
in  fifteen  sections. 

Numbers  I.  and  II.,  dated  respectively  on  the 
10th  and  15th  of  July,  1494,  consist  of  a  royal  de¬ 
cree  and  letter  respecting  certain  payments  and  pro¬ 
ceedings  of  Juan  Berardi,  the  agent  in  preparing 
the  expeditions  of  Columbus. 

Number  III.,  dated  April  11th,  1505,  contains  a 
royal  decree,  addressed  to  Alonzo  de  Morales,  the 
treasurer  of  the  queen,  commanding  him  to  pay 
Americus  the  sum  of  12,000  maravedis. 

Number  IV.,  dated  April  24th,  1505,  is  a  royal 
letter  of  naturalization,  in  favour  of  Americus,  for 
the  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Leon. 


DOCU¬ 
MENTS  OF 
NAVAR¬ 
RETE. 


396 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


docu-  Number  V.,  dated  August  23d,  1506,  is  a  letter 
navar°F  from  the  King  Philip  to  the  officers  of  the  Board  of 
RETE—  Trade  at  Seville,  inquiring  what  was  necessary  or 
important  to  facilitate  the  quick  despatch  of  the 
fleet  destined  for  the  Spice  Islands. 

Number  VI.  is  a  certificate  of  the  keeper  of  the 
archives  of  the  Indies,  at  Seville,  given  to  Sehor 
Navarrete,  of  various  notices  relative  to  Americus, 
which  are  to  be  found  in  certain  accounts  there 
preserved.  These  consist  of  various  accounts  ren¬ 
dered  by  him,  and  of  his  receipts  for  money  paid. 

Number  VII.,  dated  March  22d,  1508,  contains 
a  royal  decree,  granting  to  Americus  the  salary  of 
50,000  maravedis,  as  chief  pilot  of  the  kingdom. 

Number  VIII.  is  another  decree  of  the  same  date, 
making  an  increase  of  25,000  maravedis  to  his 
salary. 

Number  IX.  contains  a  royal  declaration,  setting 
forth  at  great  length  the  duties  and  responsibilities 
of  the  new  office  of  chief  pilot,  which  is  addressed 
to  Americus  in  the  name  of  the  Queen  Joanna. 

Number  X.  is  a  continuation  of  the  accounts 
which  were  commenced  in  number  VI.,  and  ex¬ 
tending  to  the  date  of  the  death  of  Americus  in 
1512.  This  number  contains,  among  other  notices, 
one  of  a  payment  of  10,937  maravedis  to  the  canon 
Manuel  Catano,  of  Seville,  as  the  executor  of  the 
will  of  Americus,  that  amount  being  the  balance 
due  of  his  salary  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

Number  XI.  is  a  royal  decree,  granting  a  pension 
for  life,  of  10,000  maravedis  per  annum,  to  the  wid- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


397 


ow  of  Americus,  Maria  Cerozo.  This  is  dated  docu 

’  MENTS  OF 

May  22d,  1512.  navar- 

J  1  KETE 

Number  XII.  contains  the  royal  appointment  of  - - — 

Juan  Vespucci  to  the  office  of  pilot,  with  a  salary 
of  20,000  maravedis  per  annum. 

Number  XIII.  contains  a  letter  from  the  king  to 
the  Bishop  Fonseca,  requesting  that  he  would  in¬ 
quire  into  the  fitness  of  Andres  de  San  Martin  to 
succeed  Americus  in  the  office  of  chief  pilot. 

Number  XIV.  contains  another  decree  respecting 
the  pension  of  the  widow  of  Americus,  fixing  it  as 
a  charge  upon  the  salary  of  the  chiel  pilot ;  the 
office  at  that  time  being  held  by  Sebastian  Cabot, 
who  had  succeeded  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  the  succes¬ 
sor  of  Americus. 

Number  XV.  is  a  long  letter  from  the  Viscount  M^dtHr“m' 
of  Santaren,  respecting  the  voyages  of  Americus 
made  in  the  service  of  Portugal.  This  letter,  dated  Santaren* 
the  15th  of  July,  1826,  is  in  answer  to  one  address¬ 
ed  to  Senhor  de  Santaren,  by  Navarrete,  and  con¬ 
tains  some  remarkable  statements  respecting  the 
absence  of  any  documentary  evidence  of  the  two 
last  voyages  of  Americus.  The  writer  was  at  the 
time  Chief  Master  of  the  Archives  of  Portugal,  and 
caused,  as  he  says,  diligent  inquiry  to  be  made  for 
any  documents  relating  to  Americus  in  the  Torre 
do  Tombo,  the  receptacle  of  an  immense  quantity 
of  manuscripts  and  accounts  relative  to  the  Indies, 
from  the  date  of  the  discovery.  In  relation  to  this 
fact,  the  learned  Humboldt  remarks:  “It  is  very 
strange,  that  notwithstanding  the  reseaiches  en- 


398 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


doctj-  terecl  into  by  the  Viscount  de  Santaren,  at  that 
a- a var-  time  Chief  Keeper  of  the  Archives  for  the  Kingdom 

RETE 

— - — —  of  Portugal,  and  since  then  minister  of  foreign  af¬ 
fairs,  the  name  of  Vespucius  was  not  once  met 
with  in  the  documents  of  the  Torre  do  Tombo.” 
This  omission  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  the  King 
Emanuel,  by  whose  command  Vespucius  performed 
his  two  expeditions  in  1501  and  1503,  took  partic¬ 
ular  pains  to  preserve  in  remembrance  the  events 
of  his  reign.  “  How  can  it  be  explained,”  says  the 
Viscount  de  Santaren,  in  his  letter  of  25th  of  July, 
1826,  “that  this  monarch,  who  often  went  in  person 
to  attend  to  the  registration  of  documents  drawn 
from  the  library  of  Alphonso  V.,  forgot  to  record 
the  books  and  diary  which  Vespucius  pretends  to 
have  sent  to  him  1  How  can  it  be  conceived  that 
the  learned  keeper  of  the  archives,  Damian  de 
Goes,  who  employed  so  much  time  in  matters  re¬ 
lating  to  voyages  and  maritime  discoveries,  who 
communicated  constantly  with  Ramusio,  and  who 
travelled  himself  over  Italy,  knew  nothing  of  ex¬ 
peditions,  made  at  a  period  only  forty-five  years 
before  his  own  time  ?”  “  These  objections,”  pro¬ 

ceeds  Humboldt,  “  have  doubtless  much  weight, 
but  negative  evidence,  such  as  the  want  of  docu¬ 
ments,  cannot  decide  definitely  the  question  as  to 
the  authenticity  of  the  Portuguese  voyages  of 
Americus.  He  says  himself,  in  his  relation  of  his 
third  voyage,  that  the  king,  much  rejoiced  at  his  ar¬ 
rival,  made  him  warm  proposals  to  start  with  a 
eet  of  three  ships  for  the  discovery  of  new  lands. 


AMERIC1S  YESPUCIUS. 


399 


He  was  not,  from  the  *,ommencement  of  the  voy-  docu- 

,  JVIENTS  OF 

age;  the  commander  of  the  expedition,  but  only  a  navar- 

•  RETE 

person  whose  nautical  skill  might  be  available,  skill 
which  was  appreciated  too  late  in  Spain,  in  1505. 

I  can  prove  besides,  by  a  passage  of  Peter  Martyr, 
who  was  intimately  connected  with  the  nephew  oi 
Americus,  that  he  was  protected  and  in  the  pay  of 
the  Portuguese  government.  Americus  Vespucius 
Florentinum  auspiciis  et  stipendio  Portugalensium 
ultra  lineam  cequinoctialem  adnavigavit.  His  sec¬ 
ond  Decade,  which  contains  this  striking  passage, 
was  written  two  years  after  the  death  of  Americus, 
namely,  in  1514.” 

M.  de  Humboldt  instances  other  proofs  in  favour 
of  his  position,  among  them  the  official  evidence  of 
Sebastian  Cabot,  and  other  celebrated  pilots,  rela¬ 
tive  to  the  true  position  of  the  line  of  demarcation 
between  Spain  and  Portugal,  which  Munoz  found 
in  the  archives  of  the  Board  of  Trade  at  Seville. 

He  goes  on  to  remark,  that  many  other  events 
which  produced  a  lively  sensation  in  Europe  at 
about  the  same  time,  left  no  traces  in  the  public 
documents  of  the  day,  and  cites  by  way  of  example 
the  triumphant  entry  of  Columbus  into  Barcelona, 
and  his  reception  by  the  Catholic  monarchs  in  a 
hall  magnificently  adorned.  This  is  a  circumstance 
well  established  by  many  historians  of  credit,  yet 
no  documents  exist  in  the  archives  of  Spain  going 
to  prove  the  fact. 

So  much  space  would  not  have  been  devoted  to 
this  letter,  had  it  not  been  for  the  purpose  of  show- 


400 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


DOCU¬ 
MENTS  OF 
NAVAR- 
RETE. 


ing  the  effect  of  long-continued  prejudice  against 
Americus,  and  contrasting  it  with  the  result  of  a 
Candid  examination.  Such  an  examination  was 
made  by  M.  De  Humboldt  in  relation  to  these  two 
voyages,  and  though,  in  the  course  of  his  work, 
some  points  of  difference  exist  with  the  statements 
of  this  volume,  yet  he  has  evidently  considered  the 
subject  with  a  desire  to  arrive  at  the  truth,  and  a 
determination  to  divest  himself,  as  far  as  possible, 
from  all  previous  prejudices. 


m 

LETTER  OF  M.  RANKE  TO  M.  DE  HUMBOLDT, 

RESPECTING  THE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  AMERICUS  WITH  SODERINI 

AND  DE*  MEDICI.1 

It  seems  to  me  by  no  means  doubtful,  that  the 
member  of  the  family  of  Medici,  to  whom  some  of 
the  letters  of  V espucius  are  addressed,  is  Lorenzo 
di  Pier  Francesco  de’  Medici,  who  was  horn  in 
1463,  and  died  in  1503.  His  identity  is  proved,  not 
only  by  the  arguments  adduced  by  Bandini,  but 
especially  by  the  German  work  printed  in  1505, 
which  you  have  found  in  the  library  at  Dresden, 
and  in  which  the  name  of  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Fran¬ 
cesco  appears  on  the  first  page.  This  personage 
belonged  to  the  younger  branch  of  the  Medici, 
which  took  no  part  in  the  power  exercised  by  the 
elder  branch.  When,  after  the  decease  of  Lorenzo 
the  Magnificent,  in  1492,  Piero  de’  Medici  took  the 
reins  of  government  in  Florence,  he  separated  him¬ 
self  from  his  cousins  of  the  cadet  branch,  who, 
however,  were  as  wealthy  as  the  elder  branch.  A 
rivalry  was  the  consequence  of  some  differences 

1  Translated  from  a  note  to  the  Histoire  de  la  Geographic  du  Nou¬ 
veau  Continent  of  M.  de  Humboldt. 

51 


LETTER  OF 
M.  RANKE. 


402 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


LETTER  OF 
M.  RANKE. 


The  Soderi- 
ni  family. 


which  arose  between  them,  combined  with  the 
weakness  of  the  character  of  the  new  chief  The 
opposition  of  the  cadet  branch  especially  manifest¬ 
ed  itself  at  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Charles 
VIII.,  when  Piero  de’  Medici  allied  himself  with 
the  King  of  Naples,  whilst  his  cousins  entered  into 
negotiations  with  France,  and  received  the  ambas¬ 
sadors  of  that  power.  When  the  victories  and  suc¬ 
cesses  of  Charles  VII.  excited  great  discontent 
among  the  people  of  Florence,  the  cadet  branch  of 
the  family,  and  especially  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Fran¬ 
cesco,  favoured  these  movements. 

Modem  history  offers  numerous  examples  of 
these  discords  among  the  members  of  reigning  fam¬ 
ilies.  The  partisans  of  Pier  Francesco  adopted  the 
name  of  Popolani. 

The  family  of  Soderini  had  long  been  reckoned 
among  the  adherents  of  the  party  of  the  elder 
branch  of  the  Medici.  Among  the  Florentine  citi¬ 
zens,  there  was  not  one  who  had  rendered  more 
signal  services  to  the  father  and  grandfather  of 
Piero  de’  Medici,  than  Tomaso  Soderini,  but  Piero 
de’  Medici  forgot  these  services.  The  children  of 
Tomaso,  Paolo  Antonio,  Francesco,  and  Piero, 
found  themselves  neglected  and  treated  with  dis¬ 
dain.  On  this  account  they  soon  made  common 
cause  with  the  younger  branch  of  the  Medici,  were 
involved  in  the  revolution  of  the  9th  of  November, 
1494,  which  expelled  the  elder  branch,  and  took  an 
active  part  in  the  republican  regime,  which  was 
the  result  of  these  popular  movements.  It  is  true 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS.  4Q3 

4 

that  afterwards  there  were  some  slight  differences  letter  of 

M.  RANKE, 

between  the  Soderini  and  the  Popolani,  the  young-  — - 1 

er  branch  of  the  Medici.  It  is  certain  that  Lorenzo 
di  Pier  Francesco  did  not  see  with  pleasure,  in 
1502,  the  nomination  of  Piero  Soderini,  son  of 
Tomaso,  as  Gonfaloniere  of  Florence ;  but,  on  the 
whole,  the  Soderini  and  the  Medici  of  the  cadet 
branch  were  united  in  their  political  interests. 

Moreover,  it  can  be  proved  that  the  Vespucci  be-  Political 

A  A  connections 

longed  to  the  republican  party  of  Florence.  Guido  of  therVes- 

“  A  i  J  pucci  fanu- 

Antonio  Vespucci,  of  whom  Bandini  speaks,  was 
intimately  connected  with  the  movements  of  this 
party.  He  sat,  immediately  after  the  expulsion  of 
Piero  de’  Medici,  in  1494,  among  the  twenty  acco- 
piatori  of  the  first  magistrate,  conjointly  with  Lo-  ' 
renzo  di  Pier  Francesco.  He  was  afterwards  Gon¬ 
faloniere  even,  or  supreme  chief.  The  political 
connection  of  the  Vespucci  with  the  younger 
branch  of  the  Medici,  is  further  confirmed  by  a  let¬ 
ter  that  Piero  Vespucci  wrote,  in  1494,  from  Pistoia 
to  Lorenzo  de’  Medici.  This  Lorenzo  is  very 
probably  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco,  the  same  to 
whom  Americus  addressed  some  of  his  letters  du¬ 
ring  a  long  absence  from  Italy. 

Nothing  can  be  more  natural  than  this  connection 
of  the  navigator  with  the  republican  party  in  Flor¬ 
ence.  Even  Francesco  Lotti,  whom  Americus 
mentions  in  the  relation  of  his  second  voyage,  and 
by  whom  he  sent  to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  a 
chart  of  the  world,  was,  in  1529,  member  of  an  ad¬ 
ministration  entirely  inimical  to  the  Medici  of  the 


404 


LETTER  OF 
M.  RANKE. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

% 

elder  branch.  There  was  nothing  singular  in  the 
title  of  Magnijico ,  given  occasionally  by  Americus 
to  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco.  One  might  thus 
gratify  the  cadet  branch,  on  account  of  its  import¬ 
ance  in  the  State,  and  because  it  had  always,  and 
by  general  consent,  been  accorded  to  the  elder 
branch.  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  died  in  1503, 
but  if  we  examine  with  care  the  end  of  the  letter 
which  Americus  addressed  to  him,  giving  an  ac¬ 
count  of  his  third  expedition,  we  find  nothing 
which  would  lead  to  the  supposition,  that  this  let¬ 
ter  was  written  subsequent  to  the  fourth  expedi¬ 
tion,  that  which  terminated  in  June,  1504.  I  think 
that  you  have  perfectly  solved  this  chronological 
difficulty,  which  puzzled  Bandini. 


J  (  A  /'  r 


w  j  .  c 

s  ■  . 


i"Y' 


'v  si 


-  4t 


LlTH  OF  SAOONY  A  MAJOR  M. YORK 

&  i&iailk3L®©2(GAl.  fill 

OF  THE 


f  1SS  B 


VESPUCCI  FAMILY. 


NEW  HAVEN  H.  MANSFIELD  PUBLISHER 


VIII. 

‘i 

at* 

THE  VESPUCCI  FAMILY. 

The  Genealogical  Tree  accompanying  this  por¬ 
tion  of  the  work  was  engraved  from  a  facsimile  of 
that  contained  in  the  Re  ale  Deputazione  Sopra  il 
Regolamento  della  Nobilita  di  Toscana.  Many  of 
these  records  of  families  are  preserved  in  this  es¬ 
tablishment,  some  of  them  beautifully  embellished 
with  miniatures,  in  many  cases  the  only  preserved 
likenesses  of  the  persons  they  represent.  An  ac¬ 
count  of  the  present  members  of  the  Vespucci 
family  is  extracted  from  “  The  Artist,  Merchant  and 
Statesman.”  The  letters  in  which  it  appears  were 
not  originally  written  for  publication,  and  some  al¬ 
terations  and  omissions  have  been  made. 

Florence ,  February  — ,  1845. 

Dear - , 

When  I  see  you  again,  I  shall  have  a  long  story 
to  tell  you  of  the  descendants  of  Americus  Vespu- 
cius.  I  will  give  you  a  part  of  it  now. 

It  had  alwavs  been  a  matter  of  wonder  to  me, 
that  of  all  the  Americans  who  had  visited  Florence, 
and  written  about  its  great  men,  no  one  should 
have  said  anything  about  the  Discoverer’s  descend- 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


406 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


ants.  Indeed,  so  entirely  have  we  been  cut  off 
from  all  information  on  the  subject,  I  must  confess 
it  was  with  the  greatest  astonishment  I  heard  the 
other  day,  that  there  is  one  son  and  several  daugh¬ 
ters,  lineal  descendants  of  Vespucius,  now  living  at 
Florence,  in  poverty,  unnoticed  and  unknown. 

I  was  making  some  inquiries  at  a  reunion  of  lit¬ 
erary  men,  a  few  evenings  ago,  about  the  Vespucci 
family,  and  a  gentleman  who  knows  them  well 
promised  to  introduce  me  to  them  the  following 
day.  He  was  a  connexion  of  the  family  of  Carlo 
Botta,  the  author  of  the  History  of  our  W ar  of  In¬ 
dependence.  There  is  a  man,  too,  of  whom  I 
shall  say  something  at  another  time. 

The  next  day  this  gentleman  called  round  at  the 
appointed  hour,  and  we  walked  to  the  house  to¬ 
gether.  “  Is  it  not  strange,”  said  he,  as  we  left  the 
hotel,  “  that  the  descendants  of  the  man  who  dis¬ 
covered  your  Continent,  and  who  lived  in  the  pal¬ 
aces  of  Princes  and  Kings,  should  now  be  obliged 
to  become  servants  to  get  their  daily  bread.  The 
sisters  (with  the  exception  of  Ellena,  who  is  living 
in  America)  are  dependent  on  their  daily  earnings 
for  their  daily  bread,  and  the  brother,  a  well  edu¬ 
cated,  noble  young  fellow,  is  employed  by  the 
Grand  Duke’s  government  in  the  office  of  finances, 
on  a  salary  of  $60  a  year !  They  have  all  come 
together  this  morning,  from  the  different  scenes  of 
their  occupations,  to  meet  the  first  American  who 
has  ever  sought  their  acquaintance.  What  a 
strange  meeting !  A  traveller  from  the  distant  con- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


407 


tinent  Vespucius  discovered,  coming,  more  than  the 

A  u  VESPUCC 

three  centuries  after  his  death,  to  his  birth-place,  to  family. 
.  search  out  his  descendants,  who  are  living  helpless, 
and  dependent,  on  the  very  spot  where  their  ances¬ 
tor  was  a  companion  of  princes,  and  lived  on  his 
own  paternal  estate !”  We  talked  on,  and  we 
walked  on,  till  we  reached  the  house  where  the 
family  had  assembled.  It  was  the  house  of  a 
friend,  perhaps  of  a  connexion  of  the  family. 

Here  we  found  them  gathered.  Two  sisters  and 

a  brother,  the  young  Cavaliere  Amerigo  Vespucci, 

with  his  youthful  wife.  Two  sisters  were  absent 
«/ 

— one  beloved,  who  is  teaching  her  own  beautiful 
tongue  in  Paris,  independent  while  her  strength 
lasts — another  in  America,  where,  by  her  dissolute 
life  and  barefaced  deceptions,  she  has  blasted  the 
prospects  of  her  family,  perhaps  for  ever  !  I  have 
sometimes  known  the  luxury  of  feeling  the  warm 
grasp  of  a  hand  shrivelled  with  hunger,  as  I  enter¬ 
ed  the  damp  cellar  of  a  worn-out,  cast-aside  Eng¬ 
lish  operative,  to  leave  a  mite,  and  speak  a  word  of 
consolation,  but  I  have  never  been  where  my  pres¬ 
ence  seemed  to  excite  so  much  gratitude.  I  had 
the  evening  before  expressed  a  hope,  that  in  spite 
of  the  bold  fraud  practised  upon  our  government  by 
an  unworthy  descendant  of  the  Discoverer,  some 
act  of  recognition  of  her  innocent  sisters  might  yet 
be  passed  by  Congress,  and  they  all  still  find  a 
home  for  themselves,  and  their  children,  in  the 
New  World.  These  words  had  been  borne  to 
them,  and  they  were  the  first  gleam  of  hope  that 


408 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


had  shot  across  their  path  for  many  years.  Now 
when  I  entered  they  flocked  around  me  and  press¬ 
ed  my  hand  in  silent  gratitude,  and  I  am  not 
ashamed  to  say  that  we  wept  together.  Before  us 
hung  a  portrait  of  their  ancestor,  painted  by  Bron¬ 
zino  from  life,  which  they  had  always  preserved, 
and  refused  to  part  with  at  any  price,  even  when 
they  knew  the  pangs  of  extreme  poverty.  I  felt 
strange  emotions  when  I  looked  on  that  picture. 
The  face  of  the  bold  Navigator  was  turned  away 
from  earth  to  the  stars  above  him,  and  I  could  not 
but  think  he  saw  a  New  World  there,  and  I  blessed 
God  that  he  did  not  behold  the  dark  vale  of  misfor¬ 
tune  his  own  descendants  were  to  travel  long  after 
he  was  dead. 

We  sat  down  and  talked  about  Vespucius,  his 
fate  and  his  fame. 

“  WTe  hoped,”  they  said  to  me,  “  that  a  frank  and 
honourable  appeal  to  the  sympathies  of  your  gener¬ 
ous  nation  would  have  been  responded  to,  with 
magnanimity.  We  did  not  feel  that  we  had  any 
claim  to  your  bounty ;  we  knew  that  all  the  world 
give  Columbus  the  glory  of  the  discovery  of  Amer¬ 
ica.  They  say  it  is  more  than  enough  that  Vespu¬ 
cius  give  his  name  to  the  American  Continent. 
(He  had  nothing  to  do  with  this.)  But  still  we  re¬ 
joice  that  the  application  that  was  made  was  re¬ 
jected.  Injustice  would  have  been  done  to  all 
parties,  by  a  grant,  from  which  we  should  have 
received  no  advantage  nor  honour ;  and  such 
strange  conduct  as  our  sister  was  guilty  of,  deserv- 


i 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


409 


ed  no  better  reward.  But  we  hope  you  will  tell 
the  facts  to  your  Government,  that  no  portion  of 
the  blame  may  fall  on  us.  If  the  day  shall  ever 
come,  that  your  Congress  shall  show  any  recogni¬ 
tion  of  us,  as  the  descendants  of  the  Discoverer, 
whatever  way  they  may  select  of  doing  it,  it  will 
fill  us  with  gratitude.  It  would,  indeed,  be  an  in¬ 
spiring  hope,  if  we  could  believe  it  would  ever  be 
realized,  that  we  should  one  day  be  able  to  provide 
ourselves  with  a  home  in  the  New  World,  and  go 
and  live  there,  and  be  buried  at  last  in  the  soil 
our  father  was  the  first  to  step  on.  Do  you  think 
we  should  be  kindly  received  among  the  Amer¬ 
icans,  after  we  have  been  so  badly  represented 
there  V 1 

I  could  not  but  feel,  when  I  saw  the  tears  fall 
from  the  sisters7  cheeks,  how  deeply,  how  cruelly 
they  had  been  injured.  Nor  could  I  help  breath¬ 
ing  to  them  the  hope  that  when  all  the  facts  should 
be  known,  to  our  people  and  our  Congress,  some¬ 
thing  for  them  would  be  done.  The  expression  of 
this  hope  seemed  to  flash  a  gleam  of  joy  and  cheer¬ 
fulness  over  their  countenances  ;  and  when  I  re¬ 
membered  that  our  people  are  a  generous  people,  I 
could  not  believe  this  hope  would  ever  be  clouded 
by  disappointment. 

They  brought  out  a  few  relics  of  Vespucius.  At 
last  they  unrolled  their  genealogical  table,  which 
showed  a  proud  race.  Their  ancestry  can  be  traced 
back  clearly  in  one  bright  line,  to  the  early  ages, 
before  Peter  the  Hermit  went  over  Europe  to  arouse 

52 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


I 


410 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


the  its  millions  to  march  to  the  recovery  of  the  Sa- 

VESPUCCI  . 

family,  viour’s  Tomb.  In  that  line  there  were  many  illus- 
trious  men.  Warriors,  Ambassadors,  Naval  Heroes 
and  Discoverers,  Scholars,  Artists,  Poets  and  Ma¬ 
gistrates,  many  of  whom  had  formed  alliances  with 
the  great  and  the  noble  of  different  countries. 
They  had  filled  the  highest  stations  in  the  old  Re¬ 
public  of  Florence,  and  left  their  impress  upon 
their  times.  They  had  been  the  familiar  compan¬ 
ions  of  kings  and  princes,  lived  in  their  own  palaces 
and  been  lords  of  their  own  estates.  How  were 
they  now  1 

They  are  greatly  attached  to  the  Grand  Duke  ; 
and  they  told  me  he  lias  always  shown  them  great 
kindness.  They  are  indebted  to  his  generosity  for 
an  annual  pension,  which  was  decreed  by  the  Sig- 
nory  of  Florence  to  the  Discoverer  ages  ago,  and 
which  every  successive  sovereign  has  regarded. 
Such  is  the  veneration  still  felt  for  the  memory  of 
that  wonderful  man  who  has  shed  so'  much  glory 
over  Tuscany.  This  pension  is  necessarily  small, 
for  the  Grand  Duke’s  revenue  is  inconsiderable ; 
and  a  great  number  of  poor  and  unfortunate  indi¬ 
viduals  look  to  him  for  assistance.  His  aid  is  nev¬ 
er  denied,  and  the  kind  and  delicate  manner  in 
which  it  is  bestowed,  makes  it  a  thousand  times 
more  grateful.  But  I  shall  speak  of  the  generous  and 
paternal  character  of  this  noble  Sovereign  by  and  by. 

It  was  a  long  visit — we  talked  till  midnight — 
and  when  I  came  away,  I  could  not  but  feel  grate¬ 
ful  that  a  casual,  but  kind  word  that  fell  from  my 


AMERICUS  VESPUC1US. 


411 


lips  the  evening  before,  had  secured  for  me  the  op¬ 
portunity  of  shedding  some  light  upon  hearts  that 
had  so  long  been  overcast  with  the  deepest  gloom. 

A  day  or  two  after,  I  received  a  call  from  the 
learned  and  courteous  Count  Graeberg  de  Hemso, 
Chamberlain  and  Librarian  to  the  Grand  Duke, 
with  an  invitation  to  be  present  the  following  even¬ 
ing  at  a  presentation  at  court.  These  Drawing 
Rooms,  which  are  held  during  Lent,  are  attended 
.  without  parade ;  and  I  was  glad  of  an  opportunity 
of  seeing  a  Prince  who  had,  by  his  mild,  paternal 
government,  won  the  love  of  his  own  subjects — by 
his  enlightened  views  of  Art,  Government,  and  Lit¬ 
erature,  the  respect  of  all  Europe — and  by  his 
kindness  and  attention  to  literary  men,  gained  their 
admiration  and  esteem. 

During  the  conversation  (which  I  have  no  hesi¬ 
tation  in  relating,  since  he  has  often  expressed  the 
same  feelings,  and  does  not  conceal  them  any¬ 
where),  he  alluded  kindly  to  the  interest  I  had 
manifested  in  behalf  of  the  Vespucci  family  which 
was  the  first  intimation  I  had  of  his  knowing  what 
I  had  said  or  done.  He  said  “  he  regretted  most 
deeply  the  unfortunate  circumstances  which  at¬ 
tended  the  application  made  to  our  Government  in 
favour  of  the  Vespucci,”  and  he  asked  me  if  I 
u  thought  it  would  have  succeeded  if  it  had  been 
properly  made.”  I  could  not  but  express  the  full¬ 
est  belief  that  it  would. 

“  It  is  really  a  pity,  then,”  said  he,  “  that  the  in¬ 
discretion  of  one  member  of  the  family  should 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


412 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


* 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES’  OF 

have  placed  it  out  of  the  power  of  your  Govern¬ 
ment,  to  have  done  an  act  of  generosity,  which 
would  have  placed  that  unfortunate  family  under 
such  lasting  obligation.  I  regret  it  deeply,  too,  for 
another  reason  ;  for  I  lost  so  fine  an  opportunity  of 
being  myself  placed  under  an  obligation  I  should 
have  been  equally  sensible  of,  to  a  great  and  free 
people,  who  are  advancing  more  rapidly  in  the  arts 
and  sciences,  and  in  all  that  constitutes  true  civili¬ 
zation,  than  any  other  nation  in  the  world.  You 
think  a  kind  feeling  will  still  prevail  in  Amer¬ 
ica  towards  the  Vespucci  when  the  facts  are 
known  ;  and  I  must  say  I  know  of  no  act  of  a 
foreign  Government,  that  could  afford  me  so  much 
satisfaction,  as  that  your  Congress  should  publicly 
recognize  the  claim  of  the  descendants  of  our 
Great  Tuscan  to  your  kind  remembrance ” 

The  Grand  Duke  courteously  told  me,  that  al¬ 
though  it  did  not  become  him  to  interfere  in  the 
matter,  nor  to  do  anything  in  his  public  capacity, 
“  particularly,”  said  he,  “  as  no  interchange  of  dip¬ 
lomatic  courtesies  exists  between  my  Court  and 
the  President,  which  I  regret,  yet,  if  you  can  sug¬ 
gest  any  manner  in  which  I  can  contribute  to  the 
consummation  of  your  own  views,  it  will  afford  me 
unmingled  pleasure  to  do  so.”  He  had  the  kindness 
also  to  say,  that  at  any  time  it  would  give  him  much 
satisfaction  to  receive  any  communication  from  me 
on  the  subject,  or  a  visit  from  me  at  the  Palace. 

The  Grand  Duke  has  now  gone  down  to  the 
Maremma.  Knowing  it  was  my  intention  to  leave 


AMERICUS  YESPUCIUS, 


413 


Tuscany  soon,  lie  obligingly  sent  me  an  invitation 
to  visit  him  there,  when  he  would  have  leisure  to 
confer  writh  me  on  the  subject. 

Believing  this  chit-chat  about  the  Discoverer  and 
the  descendants  of  his  family  may  interest  you,  I 
will  tell  you  the  rest  as  soon  as  the  rest  comes. 

But  now  I  am  tired,  and  so  are  you. 

Your  true,  —  &c.,  &c. 


Florence ,  — — ,  1845. 

Dear - , 

Since  my  letter  about  the  Vespucci  Family,  I 
have  often  met  them,  and  they  have  won  my  heart 
completely.  The  sisters  are  highly  esteemed  for 
their  purity,  and  beloved  for  their  kind  and  amia¬ 
ble  qualities.  They  are  exceedingly  intelligent 
and  clever,  and  I  find  everybody  likes  them. 
The  young  Cavalier  Amerigo  is  a  heroic  fellow, 
who  works  for  his  bread,  and  says  some  good  luck 
will  turn  up  for  them  all,  one  day  or  another.  He, 
and  indeed  all  of  them,  are  anxious  to  come  and 
live  in  this  country.  “  Do  you  think,”  said  the 
brother  to  me,  this  morning,  u  that  I  could  get  my 
living  in  America?  I  think  I  could  learn  to  cut 
down  your  big  trees,  and  build  a  log  cabin.” 

A  few  mornings  ago,  I  received  a  box,  with  a 
note.  You  may  judge  of  my  surprise,  when  1  open¬ 
ed  the  letter,  and  found  it  contained  a  request,  sign¬ 
ed  by  the  family,  that,  as  I  was  the  only  Ameri¬ 
can  who  had  ever  sought  them  out,  it  was  the  first 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


414 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


time  they  had  ever  had  an  opportunity  ol  sending 
to  America  the  portrait  of  their  ancestor,  and  they 
begged  I  would  accept  the  picture,  as  a  token  of 
their  regard  for  myself  and  for  the  American  People. 
I  opened  the  box,  and  saw  it  contained  the  beauti¬ 
ful  portrait  of  Vespucius,  painted  by  Bronzino,  his 
friend,  during  his  life-time.  What  to  do  with  the 
picture,  required  very  little  time  for  me  to  decide. 
I  certainly  would  not  accept  such  a  gift  for  myself  \ 
for  I  could  never  make  any  proper  return  for  so 
valuable  a  relic.  Nor,  if  I  could,  would  I  rob  the 
family  of  almost  the  last  fragment  of  the  Discover¬ 
er’s  wealth  or  treasures  still  left  them.  I  sent  it 
back,  and  went  to  them  to  make  an  explanation. 
They  all  seemed  wounded  that  I  had  not  accepted 
the  picture,  and  they  besought  me  to  comply  with 
their  request ;  but  I  did  not  feel  it  would  be  right 
to  do  so.  ,,  ‘ 

The  next  day  the  portrait  came  back  again, 
leaded  and  sealed  by  the  officer  of  Customs,  the 
exportation  permission  given,  and  the  duty  paid. 
Young  Amerigo  came  in  soon  after,  and  begged  me 
not  to  deny  their  request.  “We  would  not  sell 
it,”  said  he,  “but  we  wish  to  have  it  go  to  the 
New  World,  and  you  may  do  what  you  please 
with  it  there.  ” 

I  took  it  on  these  conditions,  and  I  shall  carry  it 
with  me  to  Washington,  to  see  if  the  Government 
will  not  purchase  it  for  the  Capitol.  To  us  it  will 
be  invaluable.  It  is  the  best,  and  almost  the  only 
undoubted  portrait  of  V espucius,  in  the  world.  It 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


415 


has  always  been  in  the  possession  of  the  family, 
the  letters  of  the  family  assure  me,  and  I  am  told 
by  many  of  the  Florentines,  it  is  not  only  authentic 
beyond  a  doubt,  but  one  of  the  best  portraits  made 
during  that  early  period.  Powers  was  delighted 
when  he  saw  it,  and  his  first  exclamation  was — 
“Our  government  must  have  it  for  the  Capitol,  at 
any  price.  ”  He  thus  speaks  of  it  in  a  note,  last 
evening.  *  #  “Your  picture  of  Americus  Ves- 

pucius  ought  to  belong  to  our  government,  and  be 
placed  in  the  Capitol.  I  think  it  is  the  original, 
from  which  the  best  engravings  of  the  great  man 
have  all  been  taken.  There  are  no  artists  of  our 
day  who  paint  such  pictures.  There  are  some, 
perhaps,  who  paint  as  well,  but  not  in  that  style, 
— and  for  me,  that  would  be  proof  enough  of  its 
authenticity,  if  there  were  wanting  others  of  the 
most  satisfactory  kind.  I  have  not  seen  young 
Americus,”  &C.1 

I  shall  give  Congress  an  opportunity  of  purchas¬ 
ing  this  invaluable  portrait,  the  only  one  they  will 
ever  be  able  to  get,  and  it  will  then  be  in  my  pow¬ 
er  to  show  the  family  that  the  American  Congress 
are  not  unmindful  of  the  children  of  the  man  who 
discovered  the  continent.  Some  fortunate  accident 
may  yet  give  us  the  portrait  of  Columbus  in  Spain  ; 
and  then  we  shall  have  two  works  of  art,  simple, 
it  is  true,  but  worth  more  to  our  nation  than  any 
others  in  Europe.  I  do  not  know  what  our  Gov- 

1  This  note  of  Powers  and  other  important  proofs  are  deposited  with 
the  Librarian  of  Congress. 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


416 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY 


eminent  may  ever  be  inclined  to  do  for  the  Ves~ 
pucci  family.  I  hope  some  suitable  recognition  of 
them  will  be  had.  Some  small  tract  of  land,  at 
least,  it  would  not  be  improper  to  give  them  from 
the  public  domain ;  and  it  would  be  an  act  which 
would  win  the  gratitude  of  the  family  for  ever,  and 
the  admiration  of  all  Europe.  You  may  judge  of 
the  feelings  of  the  Grand  Duke  by  the  following 
Letter  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  a  day  or  two  ago 
from  his  Intimate  Secretary,  who  wrote  it  at  the 
dictation  (I  am  informed)  of  the  Sovereign  himself. 

I  give  it  to  you  literally. 

Honourable  Signore  : 

His  Imperial  and  Royal  Highness,  the  most  Se¬ 
rene  Arch  Duke  of  Austria,  Grand  Duke  of  Tus¬ 
cany,  my  August  Sovereign,  to  whom,  you,  Hon¬ 
ourable  Signore,  have  expressed  a  belief,  that  the 
generous  and  powerful  American  Nation  would  be 
disposed  to  recognize  with  favour,  by  some  act  of 
liberality,  the  last  children  of  Americus  V espucius ; 
has  charged  me  to  assure  you,  in  his  Royal  Name, 
that  it  would  prove  infinitely  grateful  to  him  and  his 
Government,  if  ever  there  should  be  made  so  solemn 
a  demonstration  of  gratitude  and  of  munificence. 

The  name  of  that  great  man,  venerated  from  one 
sea  to  the  other,  gathers  in  itself  too  grand  a  part 
of  the  glories  of  Tuscany,  to  make  it  possible  that 
the  family  which  has  descended  from  him  should 
ever  be  forgotten  by  us.  They  have  long  enjoyed 
beneficence  and  honours  ‘,  and  the  young  Amerigo, 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


417 


son  of  Cavalier  Captain  Cesare  Vespucci,  is  now 
an  employe  in  a  Royal  Department.  He  is  the  last 
offspring  of  the  family  of  that  illustrious  Italian, 
who  brought  to  the  light  of  civilization  that  vast 
land  which  bears  his  name,  and  which  is  now  ad¬ 
vancing  the  proud  mother  of  many  noble  and  gen¬ 
erous  children. 

I  have  the  honour  to  subscribe  myself,  with  sen¬ 
timents  of  distinguished  consideration,  your 
most  devoted  and  obedient  servant, 

CAVALIERE  CARLO  FELICI, 

Intimate  Secretary  of  the  Cabinet  of  H.  I.  and 

R.  H.,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscanv. 
Sig’r  C.  Edwards  Lester, 

Consul  of  the  United  States  ) 
of  America  at  Genoa.  \ 

Florence ,  April  8,  1845. 

t 

This  noble  letter  was  ^attended  by  a  permission 
from  the  Grand  Duke  to  make  any  use  of  it  I 
might  judge  would  conduce  to  the  interests  of  the 
Vespucci  family.  Such  is  the  spirit  of  this  Prince, 
who  is,  indeed,  worthy  of  holding  sway  over  the 
city  where  Lorenzo  de’  Medici  lived  to  honour  all 
that  was  noble  in  man’s  heart,  or  lofty  in  genius. 

Your  true — 

This  is  not  a  suitable  place  to  enter  into  any  dis¬ 
cussion  of  the  propriety  of  granting  the  request 
contained  in  the  following  petition.  It  is  now  be¬ 
fore  the  American  Congress,  where  we  hope  it  will 

53 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


418 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


receive  the  attention  it  merits.  But  it  is  impossible 
to  suppress  a  feeling  of  regret,  that  the  injudicious 
conduct  of  any  member  of  the  family  of  the  Naviga¬ 
tor  should  have  prejudiced  the  interests  of  all  bear¬ 
ing  the  name  of  Vespucci.  The  petition  will  speak 
for  itself.  Regarded,  as  it  must  be,  as  evidence  of 
the  desire  of  the  family  to  live  in  a  land  bearing 
the  name  of  their  ancestor,  it  is  impossible  to  avoid 
expressing  a  hope  that  their  moderate  requests  may 
be  granted.  The  letter,  which  follows  the  petition, 
will  explain  the  transmission  of  the  portrait  of 
Bronzino  to  this  country.  Both  are  translated 
from  the  original  Italian. 

TO  THE  GENEROUS  AMERICAN  CONGRESS. 

Only  one  family  exists  which  is  in  direct  descent 
from  that  of  the  Florentine  navigator,  Americus 
Vespucius.  It  consists  of  the  young  Amerigo,  with 
his  wife  and  four  sisters,  Elena,  Theresa,  Eliza, 
and  Ameriga,  as  appears  by  the  genealogical  tree, 
drawn  during  the  lifetime  of  their  father,  the  Cap¬ 
tain  Cesare  Vespucci.  Elena,  possessing  a  disposi-' 
tion  somewhat  indocile  and  unmanageable,  absent¬ 
ed  herself  from  her  father’s  house  and  proceeded  to 
London.  Thence  she  crossed  the  ocean,  and  land¬ 
ed  upon  the  shores  of  Brazil,  at  Rio  Janeiro.  From 
that  city  she  proceeded  to  Washington,  the  capital 
of  the  LTnited  States.  She  presented  certain  peti¬ 
tions  to  the  governments  of  both  countries,  using, 
and  perhaps  abusing,  the  glorious  name  of  her  an- 


AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 


419 


cestor.  Her  family  are  ignorant  both  of  the  tenor 
and  of  the  result  of  these  applications. 

Amerigo  and  his  sisters  have  resolved  to  make 
the  following  requests : 

First.  That  the  American  Congress  would  grant 

to  them  and  their  descendants  the  right  of  citizen¬ 
ship. 

Second.  That  the  generous  American  people 
would  give  them  a  sufficient  quantity  of  land,  to 
enable  them,  by  their  own  exertions,  to  maintain 
thereon,  with  respectability,  the  name  of  their  An- 
cestor,  of  which  they  are  so  proud. 

The  remarkable  political  events  which  have  of 
late  years  convulsed  Europe,  and  destroyed  the  es¬ 
tates  of  so  many  ancient  families,  have  also  wreck¬ 
ed  the  fortunes  of  the  Vespucci  race.  They  are  at 
present  reduced  to  poverty,  though  they  yet  hope 
for  better  fortune,  through  the  generosity  of  the 
great  American  people. 

Signed,  Amerigo  Vespucci. 

Eliza  Vespucci. 

Teresa  Vespucci. 

Letter  to  C.  Edwards  Lester,  from  Amerigo  Vespucci. 

I  cannot  allow  you  to  leave  Italy  without  mani¬ 
festing  the  sentiments  of  profound  gratitude  which 
I  entertain  towards  you.  The  courteous  and  kind 
manner  in  which  you  have  treated  us — almost  as 
fellow-countrymen — will  never  leave  my  memory 
or  my  heart.  Your  last  and  greatest  act  of  good- 


THE 

VESPUCCI] 

FAMILY. 


420 


THE 

VESPUCCI 

FAMILY. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS. 

ness,  is  the  task  you  have  been  pleased  to  under¬ 
take  for  us,  of  conveying  to  the  American  Congress, 
the  sentiments  of  my  family,  depressed  by  so  many 
misfortunes  and  the  commotions  of  late  years. 
While  I  beg  you  to  continue  to  give  us  your  assist¬ 
ance  in  making  known  to  Congress  our  desires  and 
hopes,  will  you  have  the  kindness  to  accept  an  an¬ 
cient  portrait  of  our  glorious  ancestor,  taken  from 
life,  and  which  is  the  only  memorial  of  him  which 
remains  to  my  unfortunate  family  7  I  trust  you  will 
look  with  pleasure  upon  the  features  of  the  man 
who  gave  his  name  to  the  vast  and  beautiful  por¬ 
tion  of  the  globe  to  which  you  have  the  good  for¬ 
tune  to  belong. 

The  Vespucci  family  wish  you  a  pleasant  voy¬ 
age,  and  would  express  to  you  their  profound  grat¬ 
itude  and  consideration. 

Your  humble  servant, 

* 

Amerigo  Vespucci. 
Florence ,  18 th  March ,  1845. 


# 


INDEX. 


* 


• 

* 

■ 

1 

' 

. 


. 


* 


1 

* 


' 


' 


. 

, 


INDEX. 


A. 

All  Saints,  Bay  of,  241. 

America,  name  of,  when  first  applied, 
and  how  it  originated,  248 — 255. 

Americus  Vespucius,  born  iifFlorence, 
Mar.  9th,  1451,  55. — His  family  con¬ 
nections,  55 — 59. — Destined  from  ear- 
ly  youth  for  commercial  pursuits,  61. 
— His  studies  with  his  uncle  Georgio 
Antonio,  63,  64. — Forms  a  friendship 
with  Piero  Soderini,  65. — His  studies 
interrupted  by  the  appearance  of  the 
Plague  in  Florence,  66. — His  return 
to  his  studies,  67. — His  opportunities 
of  meeting  with  Toscanelli,  ib. — His 
religious  instruction,  68. — Letter  from 
him  to  his  father,  68,  69.— Lack  of 
information  respecting  his  early  life, 
70. — His  purchase  of  a  map  by  Ga¬ 
briel  de  Velasca,  71. — The  misfor¬ 
tunes  of  his  brother  Girolamo  occa¬ 
sion  his  departure  from  Italy,  ib . — 
Receives  some  commissions  from  Lo¬ 
renzo  di  Pier-Francesco  de’  Medici, 
72. — Sails  from  Leghorn  to  Barce¬ 
lona,  ib. — Takes  with  him  his  ne¬ 
phew  Giovanni,  and  other  youthful 
Florentines,  73. — Letter  from  him 
written  jointly  with  Donato  Nicollini, 
74. — His  first  acquaintance  with  Be- 


rardi,  and  subsequent  partnership 
with  him,  75. — Contract  of  the  Span¬ 
ish  government  with  Berardi’s  house, 
ib — Probable  reflections  of,  on  leav¬ 
ing  Florence,  76,  77. — Supposed  in¬ 
correctly  by  some  authors  to  have 
accompanied  Columbus  on  his  second 
voyage,  76,  note — Meeting  of  Amer¬ 
icus  with  Columbus,  78. — Personal 
appearance  of  Americus,  79,  80. — 
Difference  of  his  views  from  those  of 
Columbus,  80. — His  doubts,  81. — 
Imaginary  conversation  with  Colum¬ 
bus,  82 — 92. — In  consequence  of  the 
death  of  Berardi,  he  assumes  the 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the 
house,  93. — Payments  to  him  b}^  Ber¬ 
nardo  Pinelo,  the  treasurer  of  Spain, 
94. — He  despatches  an  expedition 
which  is  wrecked,  ib. — His  letter  to 
Soderini,  ib. — Its  proper  address,  95. 
— Rank  held  by  him  in  the  first  voy¬ 
age,  ib. — Supposed  address  of  his  let¬ 
ter  to  Rene,  King  of  Jerusalem  and 
Sicily,  and  Duke  of  Lorraine  and 
Bar,  96. — Editions  of  the  letter  made 
use  of  by  Canovai,  96,  note. — The 
edition  of  Gruniger  made  use  of  by 
Navarrete,  97.— Authenticity  of  it, 
ib.  Authenticity  of  its  date  ques¬ 
tioned  by  Herrera,  98.— Historical 


424 


INDEX. 


evidence  of  its  accuracy  and  argu¬ 
ments  on  the  subject,  99 — 108. — Let¬ 
ter  of  Columbus  commending  Ameri- 
cus,  105,  106. — His  first  voyage  de-  * 
scribed  in  the  first  part  of  his  letter 
to  Soderini,  commencing,  112. — His 
reasons  for  writing,  113. — Departure 
from  Cadiz,  May  10th,  1497,  116. — 
First  landing  on  the  continent,  117. — 
Received  in  a  friendly  manner  by  the 
natives,  ib. — Their  characteristics, 
118.  —  Description  of  them,  their 
mode  of  life,  and  peculiarities,  119 — 
125. — Arrival  at  Venezuela,  126.< — 
Battle  with  the  Indians,  127,  128. — 
Continuation  of  the  voyage,  128. — 
Meets  with  a  remarkable  animal  like 
a  serpent,  129. — Further  account  of 
the  habits  of  the  natives,  130. — Jour¬ 
ney  inland,  131. — Return  to  the  ships, 
ib. — A  ludicrous  incident,  132. — De¬ 
scription  of  the  country,  133,  134. — 
Preparations  for  return  voyage,  135. 
— Discover  new  islands,  136. — Canni¬ 
bals  and  battle  with  them,  137. — Cap¬ 
ture  250  prisoners,  138. — Arrival  at 
Cadiz,  Oct.  15,  1498,  139. — The  first 
news  of  his  discoveries  probably  kept 
secret  until  the  arrival  of  despatches 
from  Columbus,  142. — His  connec¬ 
tion  with  Ojeda,  144 — 147. — Hismar- 
riage  with  Maria  Cerezo,  145. — Vis¬ 
its  the  court,  146. — Equipment  of  a 
new  fleet,  147. — His  second  voyage 
described  in  a  letter  to  Lorenzo  di 
Pier-Francesco  de  Medici,  151. — De¬ 
parture  from  Cadiz,  May  18th,  1499, 
152. — Arrival  at  the  New  World  in 
24  days,  152. — Remarkable  currents 
near  the  shores,  153. — Beautiful  birds 
— his  geographical  position,  155. — 
Solar  shadow,  ib. — Astronomical  ob¬ 
servations,  156. — The  Southern  Cross 
calls  to  his  mind  the  remarkable  lines 


of  Dante,  157. — His  calculation  of 
latitude,  158. — Observation  of  the 
transit  of  Mars,  August  23d,  1499, 
159. — Further  description  of  the  na¬ 
tives  seen  in  second  voyage,  161. — 
Second  visit  to  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  162. 
— Sails  four  hundred  leagues  along 
the  shores  of  the  continent,  164 — . 
Battle  with  the  natives  and  great 
slaughter,  165. — Meets  with  a  race 
of  giants,  166. — Second  visit  to  Ven¬ 
ezuela,  167 — Sails  for  Hispaniola, 
168. — Preparations  for  return,  169. 
— Arrival  at  Cadiz,  171. — Sends  a 
globe  and  map  to  Lorenzo  de’  Medici, 
172. — Second  part  of  his  letter  to  So¬ 
derini,  giving  further  account  of  his 
second  voyage,  175. — Departure  from 
Cadiz,  *ib. — Arrival  at  the  New 
World,  176. — Chases  and  captures  a 
large  canoe,  177. — Meets  friendly 
natives,  and  procures  pearls,  179. — 
Remains  seventeen  days  in  port, 
180. — Description  of  singular  habits 
of  the  natives,  181,  183. — Giants 
again,  183,  184. — Preparations  for 
return,  185. — On  the  return  voyage 
visits  Antilla,  187. — Arrives  at  Ca¬ 
diz,  June  8,  ib. — Unjustifiable  per¬ 
version  of  the  words  of,  188. — At¬ 
tacked  with  the  quartan  ague,  189. — 
Preparation  for  another  voyage,  ib. — 
Receives  letters  from  the  King  of 
Portugal,  inviting  him  to  his  service, 
191. — Messenger  sent  to  him,  ib. — 
Leaves  Spain  secretly,  192. — Re¬ 
ceived  with  joy  by  the  King  of  Por¬ 
tugal,  ib. — Second  letter  to  de’  Medi¬ 
ci,  giving  an  account  of  his  third 
voyage,  195. — Departure  from  Cape 
Verd,  ib. — His  astronomical  obser¬ 
vations,  196. — Describes  the  customs 
of  the  natives,  197 — 200. — Describes 
climate  and  productions,  201. — Third 


\ 


I 


INDEX. 


425 


letter  to  De’  Medici,  giving  a  fuller  ac¬ 
count  of  his  third  voyage,  203. — -De¬ 
parture  from  Lisbon,  May  13,  1501, 

204.  —  Experiences  terrible  storms, 

205.  — Arrives  at  the  New  World, 
Aug.  17,  1501,  206.— Finds  thickly 
inhabited  country,  and  gives  des¬ 
criptions  of  the  natives,  209 — 214. — 
Astronomical  observations,  215. — His 
work  on  the  subject  of  astronomy, 
217. — Illustration  of  the  antipodes, 
218 — 220. — Apologizes  for  not  sending 
De’  Medici  his  journals,  221. — Third 
part  of  letter  to  Soderini,  223. — 
Gives  reasons  for  going  to  Lisbon, 
224. — Departure  from  Lisbon,  May 
13,1501,  and  arrival  after  severe  storms 
at  the  New  World,  225. — Takes  pos¬ 
session  of  the  country  in  the  name  of 
Portugal,  226. — Despatches  two  of 
the  crew  to  treat  with  the  natives, 
226. — Horrible  death  of  his  messen¬ 
gers,  228. — continues  the  voyage 
along  the  coast  for  750  leagues, 
230. — Encounters  violent  storms,  and 
arrives  at  Lisbon,  Sept.  7,  1502, 
231 — 233. — Received  in  Lisbon  with 
ceremonies  and  honours,  234. — His 
method  of  computing  longitude,  235. — 
Prepares  for  a  fourth  voyage,  237. — 
Conclusion  of  his  letter  to  Soderini, 
238. — Departure  from  Lisbon,  10th 
May,  1503,  and  loss  of  part  of  the 
fleet,  239,  240. — Arrives  at  the  Bay 
of  All  Saints,  241. — Builds  a  fortress, 
242. — Returns  to  Lisbon,  June  18th, 
1504,  and  goes  to  Seville  in  latter  part 
of  1504,  245. — Assists  Columbus  at 
court,  246. — Influence  of  the  Queen 
Isabella’s  death  on  his  fortunes,  246. — 
Receives  grants  of  money,  247. — 
Named  Commander  in  a  new  expe¬ 
dition,  ib. — Considerations  going  to 
show  that  Americus  did  not  attempt 

54 


himself  to  give  his  name  to  America, 
248 — 255. — -Difficulties  in  the  way  of 
the  proposed  expedition,  256. — In¬ 
structions  of  the  Board  of  Trade  to 
him,  257. — Ultimate  fate  of  the  ex¬ 
pedition,  259. — His  salary,  with  the 
title  of  captain,  260. — Ordered  to  re¬ 
pair  to  court,  261. — Appointed  chief 
pilot,  262. — Establishes  himself  in  Se¬ 
ville,  263. — Visits  Florence,  264. — 
His  death,  February  22d>  1512,  at 
Seville,  ib. — His  character  and  wri¬ 
tings,  265-270. — Narrative  of  the 
voyage  of  De  Gama  attributed  to 
him,  313—329. 

Antipodes,  illustration  of,  218 — 220. 

Astrolabe,  invention  of  the,  26. — A  sim¬ 
ilar  instrument  found  by  De  Gama  in 
the  Red  Sea  and  Persian  Gulf,  29. 

Azores,  discovery  of  strange  corpses  on 
the  islands  of  the,  37. 

B. 

Bahia  Honda,  Ojeda’s  settlement  at, 
368. 

Bartolozzi,  his  remarks  respecting  the 
first  letter  of  Americus  to  De  Medici, 
173,  174. 

Bastides,  voyage  of,  372. 

Battle  with  the  Indians,  127,  128. 

Bay  of  All  Saints,  241. 

Bell,  houses  shaped  like  a,  126. 

Benvenuto  Benvenuti,  bearer  of  the  let¬ 
ter  of  Americus  to  Soderini,  113. 

Benzoni,  251. 

Berardi,  Juan  or  Juanoto,  passport 
granted  to  him  in  1486,  by  the  Sov¬ 
ereigns  of  Spain,  73. — His  death,  in 
December,  1495,  93. 

Bernal,  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  his 
writings,  and  sketch  of  his  life,  49. 

Betel  nut,  181. 


426 


INDEX. 


Birds  of  great  beauty  seen  by  Ameri- 
cus,  154. 

Bojador,  discovery  of  Cape.  31. 

Bronzino,  his  portrait  of  Americus,  264. 

Bull  of  the  Pope  respecting  new  lands 
discovered,  32. 

c. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  42. — Bom  in  Bristol, 
1467,  44. — Decree  of  Henry  VII.  re¬ 
specting  him,  45. — His  voyages,  ib. 
— Goes  to  Spain  and  is  appointed 
Chief  Pilot,  46 — Returns  to  Eng¬ 
land,  46. — His  discovery  of  the  prin¬ 
ciples  of  the  variation  of  the  needle, 
47. — In  reality  the  first  discoverer  of 
the  main  land  of  the  New  World,  104. 

Calcutta,  239. 

Campos,  Garcia  de,  partner  of  Ojeda, 
367. 

Cannibals  seen  by  Americus,  161 — 178. 
— Kill  and  eat  some  of  his  crew,  227. 

Canoe,  interesting  chase  and  capture  of 
a  large,  177. 

Canopi,  seen  by  Americus,  216. 

Canovai,  the  Biographer  of  Americus, 
editions  of  the  letter  to  Soderini  made 
use  of  by  him,  96,  note. — Incorrect 
opinion  as  to  the  name  of  America, 
254. — His  Eulogium  of  Americus, 
275. 

Caravans,  the  medium  of  commercial 
communication,  22. 

Casas,  Bishop  de  las,  his  writings,  and 
sketch  of  his  life,  49,  50. 

Cerezo,  Maria,  the  wife  of  Americus, 
145. 

Charlevoix,  his  character  of  Ojeda,  394. 

Cipango,  Marco  Polo’s  description  of, 
359—361. 

Coelho,  Gonzalo,  237 — 249. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  reflections  of, 


in  relation  to  a  western  passage  to 
India,  37. — Considers  the  accounts 
of  Marco  Polo  and  Mandeville,  ib.— 
Letter  from  Toscanelli  to  him,  38. — 
Not  ignorant  of  the  discoveries  of  the 
Northmen,  39. — Personal  appearance 
of,  78,  79. — Difference  of  his  views 
from  those  of  Americus,  80. — His 
enthusiasm,  81. — Imaginary  conver¬ 
sation  between  him  and  Americus,  82 
— 92. — His  letter  to  his  son,  Don 
Diego,  commending  Americus,  105, 
106. — His  curious  signature,  107, 
note. — His  arrival  at  the  coast  of 
Pari  a,  140. — His  despatches  from 
Hispaniola,  141. — His  discovery  of 
Hispaniola,  mentioned  by  Americus, 
168, — Again  mentioned,  187. — His 
return  from  his  last  voyage,  and  sick¬ 
ness,  245. — Letters  to  him  from  Paolo 
Toscanelli,  330 — 337. 

Columbus,  F erdinand,  his  writings,  and 
sketch  of  his  life,  49. — His  view  of 
the  antiquity  of  family,  60. — Never 
makes  any  charges  against  Americus 
in  his  history,  107. 

Commerce,  carried  on  by  means  of  land 
transportation,  21. 

Compass,  invention  of,  26. 

Constellations  of  the  Southern  Hemis¬ 
phere,  196. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  his  connection  with 
Americus  and  Ojeda,  147. — Ordered 
to  proceed  to  Court  with  Americus, 
261. — His  subsequent  history,  366. — 
Connection  with  Bastides,  371 — 373. 
— Meets  with  Ojeda  in  Hispaniola, 
373. — Accompanies  Ojeda  as  Lieu¬ 
tenant  in  his  last  expedition,  374. — 
Dissuades  Ojeda  from  attacking  the 
Indians,  380. — His  death,  381. — Mr. 
Irving’s  character  of  him,  382. 

Coquibacoa,  the  modern  Venezuela,  ar¬ 
rival  of  Americus  at,  126. 


INDEX. 


42  7 


Cosmography,  a  favourite  subject  of 
speculation,  34. 

Cuba,  sufferings  of  the  Spaniards  in, 
389. 

Curacoa,  visited  by  Americus,  and 
called  the  Island  of  Giants,  185. 

Currents  met  with  by  Americus  on  the 
shores  of  the  New  World,  153. 

D. 

Dante,  remarkable  passage  in  his  Pur¬ 
gatory  relating  to  the  Southern  Cross, 
157. — Quotation  from,  237. 

Diaz,  Bartholomew,  his  discovery  of 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  33. 

Dighton,  sculptured  rock  of,  39,  40,  41, 
note. 

Discovery,  Early,  30, — Progress  of,  34. 
— Of  the  Grand  Canaries,  35. 


E. 

East,  ancient  cities  of  the,  22. 

Eastern  Empire,  fall  of,  25 — 48. 

Emmanuel,  King  of  Portugal,  endeav¬ 
ours  to  secure  the  services  of  Amer¬ 
icus,  190,  192. 

Enciso,  the  Bachelor,  393. 

Esq-uibel,  Governor  of  Jamaica,  392. 

Etruscan  Academy,  letter  of,  accompa¬ 
nying  the  Eulogium  of  Canovai,  273 
—275. 

Eulogium  of  Americus  by  Canovai,  275 
— 308.  .Remarks  of  the  Translator 
thereon,  309 — 312. 

F. 

Ferdinand,  King  of  Spain,  his  absence 
from  Spain,  259. — Return,  261. 


Florence  awake  to  the  importance  of 
navigation,  42. — Custom  of  devoting 
one  member  of  each  noble  family  to 
commerce,  60. — Visited  by  the  Plague 
in  1478,  65. — Its  magnificence  in 
1480,  66. 

j  Fonseca,  the  Bishop,  grants  a  license  to 
Ojeda  to  prosecute  discoveries,  143. 
— His  hatred  of  Columbus,  144,  note. 

G. 

Galileo,  236. 

Gama,  Vasco  de,  doubles  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  28. — Sketch  of  his  life, 
29,  30,  note. — The  poet  Thomson’s 
allusion  to  his  voyages,  193. — Narra¬ 
tive  of  his  voyage  to  the  Indies  at¬ 
tributed  to  Americus,  313 — 329. 

Giants,  race  of,  met  with  by  Americus, 
166,  167—183. 

Giocondo,  Juliano,  sent  to  Americus  by 
the  King  of  Portugal,  191 — 224. 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de,  his  wri¬ 
tings,  and  sketch  of  his  life,  53. 

Greenland,  discoveries  of  the  Northmen 
in,  39. 

Gregory  IX.,  his  election  to  the  papacy, 
338. 

Gricio,  Gaspar  de,  Secretary  of  King 
Philip,  257. — Letters  to  him,  258. 

Grinaeus,  251,  252. 

Grogeda,  Diego  Rodriguez  de,  260. 

H. 

Henry,  Prince  of  Portugal,  sketch  of 
his  character  by  Dr.  Robertson,  27, 
28. — Death  of,  in  1463,  32. 

Herrera,  his  writings,  and  sketch  of  his 
life,  52. — Questions  the  authenticity 
of  the  date  of  the  letter  of  Americus 
to  Soderini,  97. 


428 


INDEX. 


Humboldt,  M.  de,  his  remarks  on  the 
letter  of  the  Viscount  de  Santarento 
Navarrete,  397 — 400. — Letter  of  M. 
Ranke  to  him,  401 — 404. 

I. 

Xlacomilo,  249. 

India,  speculations  respecting  a  passage 
to,  35. — Efforts  to  find  a  new  route 
to,  26—193. 

Inscription  over  the  door  of  the  Ves¬ 
pucci  Mansion,  56. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Spain,  246. — Last 
testament  of,  256. 

Island  of  the  Seven  Cities,  36. 

Italy,  no  possessions  in  the  New  World, 
41. — Navigators  of,  42 — 46. — State 
of,  in  the  15tli  century,  42. 

Iti,  Island  of,  visited  by  Americus,  136. 

J. 

Joanna,  Queen  of  Spain,  256. — Her 
insanity,  259. 

K. 

Kambalu,  the  paper  money  of,  362. 

Khan,  the  Grand,  account  of  the  king¬ 
doms  of,  by  Marco  Polo,  350 — 365. 
— His  attempt  to  conquer  the  island 
of  Cipango,  359—361. — His  care  of 
his  subjects,  363 — 365. 

L. 

Lariab,  the  Indian  name  of  Paria, 
134. 

Lery,  Jean  de,  253. 

Licenses  of  the  Court  of  Spain  for  the 


prosecution  of  voyages  of  discovery, 
108. 

Lisbon,  spirit  of  discovery  in,  35. 

Literature,  revival  of,  48. 

Longitude,  method  of  Americus  for 
computing,  235. 

Luxury,  comparative,  in  different  na¬ 
tions,  24.' 

M. 

Magdalena,  259. 

Mandeville,  Sir  John,  his  accounts 
highly  esteemed  by  Columbus,  37. 

Manufactories  of  the  South  of  Europe 
in  the  15th  century,  24. 

Malacca,  237,  238,  239. 

Maranham,  San  Luis  de,  visited  by 
Americus,  177. 

Mars,  transit  of,  observed  by  Americus, 
Aug.  23d,  1499,  159. 

Martyr,  Peter,  his  writings,  and  sketch 
of  his  life,  53,  251. 

Medici,  Lorenzo  de,  the  Magnificent,  67. 

Medici,  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  de, 
employs  Americus  to  go  to  Spain, 
72. — Sketch  of  his  life,  148—150. — 
First  Letter  of  Americus  to  him,  151. 
— Receives  a  globe  and  map  from 
Americus,  172. — Second  Letter  of 
Americus  to  him,  195. — Third  Let¬ 
ter  of  Americus  to  him,  203. — M. 
Ranke’s  Letter  respecting  him,  401 
—404. 

Middle  ages,  system  of  commercial 
transactions  in  the,  23. 

Mini,  Elizabetta,  the  mother  of  Ameri¬ 
cus,  54. 

Monteregio,  his  almanac  used  by  Amer¬ 
icus  in  his  astronomical  calculations, 
159. 

Munster,  his  description  of  the  Voyages 
of  Americus,  76,  note. 


INDEX. 


429 


N. 

Narrative  of  the  voyage  of  Vasco  de 
Gama,  attributed  to  Americus,  313 — 
329. 

Natives  of  the  New  World,  descrip¬ 
tions  of,  118. — Their  motives  in  ma¬ 
king  war,  119. — Further  description, 
197 — 200. — Domestic  habits  of,  211. 
— Attempts  to  treat  with,  226. 

Navarrete,  documents  relating  to  Amer¬ 
icus  contained  in  his  collection,  395 
—400. 

Navigators,  cotemporary,  of  Americus, 

40. 

Nicuessa,  Diego  de,  the  rival  of  Ojeda, 
374. — His  assistance  to  Ojeda,  384. 

Non,  discovery  of  Cape,  30. 

O. 

Ojeda,  Alonzo  de,  his  evidence  respect¬ 
ing  Americus  in  the  law-suit  of  Don 
Diego  Columbus,  $9 — 102. — Account 
of  his  early  life,  142. — Commission 
granted  to  him  by  the  Bishop  Fon¬ 
seca,  143. — His  voyage  identical  with 
the  second  voyage  of  Americus, 
145. — His  subsequent  history,  366. — 
Connects  himself  with  Juan  de  Ver¬ 
gara  and  Garcia  de  Campos,  367. — 
Sails  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  in 
1502,  and  forms  settlement  at  Bahia 
Honda,  368. — His  quarrels  with  his 
partners,  369. — Legal  proceedings 
against  him,  370. — His  triumphant 
acquittal,  371. — His  connection  with 
Juan  dela  Cosa,  374. — His  departure 
from  San  Domingo,  15th  Nov.  1509, 
on  another  expedition,  375.  —  His 
celebrated  proclamation  to  the  In¬ 
dians,  376  —  380.  —  Furious  battle 
with  the  natives,  381. — His  remark¬ 


able  escape,  383.— With  the  aid  of 
Nicuessa  he  prepares  for  another  at¬ 
tack,  384. — Its  entire  success,  385. — 
Forms  a  settlement  in  the  Gulf  of 
Uraba,  ib. —  Wounded  in  battle  with 
the  Indians,  386.  —  Famine  in  his 
settlement,  and  arrival  of  Talavera, 
387. — His  departure  in  search  of 
supplies,  and  shipwreck  on  the  coast 
of  Cuba,  388. — His  awful  sufferings 
there,  389 — 391. — His  vow  and  its 
fulfilment,  391 — 392. — His  arrival  at 
Hispaniola  by  way  of  Jamaica,  393. — 
His  last  days,  394. 

P. 

Paria,  visited  by  Americus  in  1497, 
134. — Second  visit,  1499,  162. 

Pearls,  seen  by  Americus  in  Paria, 
163—179. 

Peretola,  the  place  where  the  Vespucci 
family  originated,  55. 

Philip,  King  of  Spain,  his  accession, 
256. — His  death  at  Burgos,  259. 

Pilots,  ignorance  of  the,  208. 

Pinelo,  Bernardo,  treasurer  of  Spain, 
his  payments  to  Americus,  93,  94. 

Pinzon,  Vicente,  236. — Named  com¬ 
mander,  with  Americus,  247 — 260 — 
262. 

Plague  of  Florence,  in  1478,  65. 

Polo,  Marco,  his  accounts  esteemed  by 
Columbus,  37. — His  accounts  adopted 
by  Toscanelli,  38. — Account  of  him 
and  his  travels,  337 — 350. — Curious 
anecdote  of,  346,  347. — Description 
of  Quinsai,  350 — 359. — And  of  the 
Island  of  Cipango,  360,  361. — Of  the 
wealth  of  the  Grand  Khan,  362,  363. 
— And  of  his  care  of  his  subjects,  364. 

Popolani,  the  name  adopted  by  De 
Medici,  the  correspondent  of  Ameri¬ 
cus,  149. 


430 


INDEX. 


Portugal,  importance  of  the  voyages  of 
Americus  to  the  kingdom  of,  193. 

Printing,  invention  of  the  art  of,  49. 

Q. 

Quinsai,  extract  from  Marco  Polo’s 
description  of,  350 — 359. 

R. 

Rainbow,  Lunar,  217,  218. 

Ranke,  M.  de,  his  letter  to  M.  de  Hum- 
bolt,  401—404. 

Rene,  Duke  of  Lorraine  and  Bar,  and 
titular  King  of  Jerusalem  and  Sicily, 
96. — Supposed  address  of  the  letter 
of  Americus  to  him,  and  sketch  of  his 
life,  96,  97,  note. 

Robertson,  Dr.,  his  sketch  of  the  char¬ 
acter  of  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal, 
27,  28. 

Rome,  unable  to  join  in  the  career  of 
discovery,  42,  43. 

s. 

Sailor,  gallantry  of  a  Portuguese,  165. 

Salvini,  Antonio,  the  tablet  which  he 
placed  over  the  gateway  of  the  Ves¬ 
pucci  Mansion,  56. 

Santaren,  the  Marquis  de,  his  letter  to 
Navarrete,  with  Humboldt’s  remarks 
concerning  it,  397 — 400. 

Scandinavians,  discoveries  of,  39. 

Scholars  of  the  East,  their  coming  into 
Europe,  48. 

Seneca,  the  celebrated  prophecy  of,  in 
the  Medea,  157,  note. 

Senegal  River,  discoveries  beyond,  31. 

Soderini,  Piero,  his  early'  friendship 
with  Americus,  65. — Sketch  of  his 


life  and  character,  109 — 112. — First 
portion  of  letter  of  Americus  to  him, 
describing  his  first  voyage,  112 — 
139. — Second  part  of  the  letter  of 
Americus  to  him,  175. — Third  part, 
223. — Conclusion,  238. — M.  Ranke’s 
letter  to  Humboldt  respecting  him, 
401—404. 

Solar  Shadows,  noticed  by  Americus, 
155. 

Solis,  Diaz  de,  260 — 262. 

Southern  Cross,  157. — Remarkable  pas¬ 
sage  in  Dante’s  Purgatory  relating  to 
it,  157,  note. 

St.  Augustine,  Cape  of,  doubled,  229. 

St.  Brand  an,  Island  of,  36,  and  note. 

Subano,  Juan  de,  260. 

T. 

Talavera,  a  piratical  leader,  387. 

Toscaneili,  Paolo,  a  Florentine  Physi¬ 
cian,  writes  to  Columbus,  38,  39. — 
His  map,  ib. — His  letters  to  Colum¬ 
bus,  330—337. 

Tuana,  a  remarkable  animal  seen  by 
Americus,  129,  note. 

u. 

Ugolino  Verini,  lines  of,  respecting  the 
Vespucci  family,  55. 

Ursa  Major  and  Minor,  216,  230,  231 
—233—235. 

Uraba,  settlement  in  the  Gulf  of,  385. 

Usury,  false  ideas  of,  in  the  middle  ages, 
23. 

V. 

Venezuela,  arrival  of  Americus  at,  126. 

Veragua,  gold  mines  of,  271. 


INDEX. 


Verazzani,  Giovanni,  a  Florentine  nav¬ 
igator,  sketch  of  his  life,  43. — Sails 
in  the  frigate  Dauphin,  17th  January, 
1524,  43. — His  unhappy  fate,  44. 

Vergara,  Juan  de,  partner  of  Ojeda, 
367. 

Vespucci,  see  Americus. 

Vespucci,  Anastasio,  the  father  of 
Americus,  55. — Secretary  of  the  Re¬ 
public  of  Florence,  59. — Letter  from 
Americus  to  him,  68,  69. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  letter  from  him, 
419,  420. 

Vespucci,  Georgio  Antonio,  uncle  of 
Americus,  distinguished  as  a  scholar, 
63. — His  school  and  instruction  of 

Americus,  64. 

* 

Vespucci,  Girolamo,  the  brother  of 
Americus,  his  misfortunes,  71. — His 
letter  to  Americus,  72. 

Vespucci,  Giovanni,  the  nephew  of 
Americus,  accompanies  his  uncle  on 
his  departure  from  Florence,  73. — 


*431 

Peter  Martyr’s  friendship  for  him,  ib. 
note. 

Vespucci,  visit  to  the  old  mansion  of 
the,  57,  note. — Account  of  the  present 
family  of,  405 — 420. 

Vespucci,  Simone  di  Piero,  his  wealth 
and  liberality,  57. — His  tomb,  58. 

Vespucci,  Piero,  commanded  the  Flor¬ 
entine  galleys,  59. 

Vespucci,  Guido  Antonio,  distinguished 
in  letters,  59. 

Vila,  Grand  Chamberlain  of  King  Phil¬ 
ip,  258. 

Villegagnon,  253. 

vv. 

Webb,  Thomas  H.,  Secretary  of  the 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  his 
account  of  Digbton  Rock,  39,  40,  41, 
note. 


*  The  work  contains,  including  the  engravings,  462  p.p. 


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